ABSTRACT
This study examines the
linguistic structures used for propagating specific ideologies through which
discourses of the APC‟s manifesto construct ideological representations of
political events and situations in Nigeria under the Peoples‟ Democratic Party's
government. The study was motivated by how the ideological differences in the
text of the APC manifesto‟s representation of Nigeria are coded in its
vocabulary. To this end, the study pays closer attention to the means by which
the grammatical forms of the APC manifesto‟s discourse or language use code
happenings or relationships in Nigeria, the people or things involved in those
happenings or relationships, including their spatial or temporal circumstances, manner of occurrence, and so
on. It deploys Fairclough‟s Dialectical Relational Approach to Critical
Discourse Analysis to posit in its central argument that language use in the
APC‟s manifesto facilitates the encoding of ideologies. Dialectical Relational
Approach comes from the perspectives of Critical Linguistics which explores the
social functions of language; it describes linguistic processes in social terms
in order to reveal their ideological and political investments. It identifies
three stages of critical linguistic analysis: description of the text,
interpretation of the relationship between text and interaction and explanation
of the relationship between interaction and social context. Consequent upon
this conceptualization, the method of systematic textual analysis employed for
this study is the interaction of these three levels of analysis. Thus, the
study situates the overall analysis at one time in detailed micro linguistic
analysis of text and another time in the macro analysis of discursive and wider
sociopolitical practices with especial focus on textuality, cohesion, modality,
metaphor, nominalization and vocabulary, passivization and transitivity. The
result of the analysis reveals that the APC manifesto‟s preference for
nominalizations and the passive form, the preponderance of material and mental
processes, the choice of modal verbs as against adverbials and phrases for the
assertion of degree of certitude and authority, the suppression of agency via
passivization, deletion, among others, facilitate the encoding and sustaining
of favourable ideologies. The study further establishes that in making policy
statements and textually representing actions, events, state of affairs and
relationships, the APC‟s manifesto makes choices between diverse lexis and
different grammatical processes and participant types, and the selections made
are not neutral but ideologically significant. The study contributes to the
understanding of the ideological role of language in political manifesto‟s
discourse in constructing representations of the social world. It concludes
that language use in the APC‟s manifesto helps to instigate good versus bad frames and a polarity of
favourable „self‟ presentation and derogatory
„other‟ representation.
TABLE OF
CONTENTS
1.0
CHAPTER ONE:INTRODUCTION - -
- - 1
1.1
Background to the Study - -
- - - - 1
1.2 APC‟s Manifesto: Composition and Style- - -
- - 5
1.3 Statement of the Research Problem - -
- - --
8
1.4
Research Questions - - - -
- - - - 9
1.5
Aim and Objectives - -
- - - - -
10
1.6
Significance of the Study - - -
- - -
11
1.7
Justification for the Study- - -
- - - - 12
1.8
Scope and Delimitation- - -
- - - - 13
2.0 CHAPTER TWO: REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE 14
2.1
Preamble - - - -
- - - - 14
2.2.
Review of Conceptual Framework - -
- - -
14
2.2.1. Discourse as Language in Use - -
- - -
16
2.2.2
Discourse as Social Practice - - -
- - -
23
2.2.3
The Concept of Ideology - -
- - - - 24
2.2.3.1 Ideology in Discourse -` - - -
- - 30
2. 2.4 Discourse and Power - -
- - - - -
40
2.2.5
Discourse: a Faircloughian Perspective - -
- - 45
2.2.6
The Discourse-Power-Ideology Triangle - -
- - 47
2.2.7
Ideology
and Hegemony - -
- - - - 48
2.3
Historical Overview of CDA
- - - - - -
50
2.3.1 Critical Discourse Analysis- - -
- - 55
2.3.2 Approaches to CDA - -
- - - - -
60
2.3.2.1
Gunther Kress‟s Social
Semiotics - - - - -
60
2.3.2.2
Ruth Wodak‟s Discourse
Historical Approach 62
2.3.2.3
Teun van Dijk‟s Socio-cognitive
Approach - 64
2.3.2.4
James Gee‟s Approach to
Discourse Analysis 65
2.4
. Micro Analysis of Textual Practice - 68
2.4.1 Macro Analysis of Discursive Practice - - - -
72
2.4.2 Analysis of Wider Socio-Political Practice - -
- - 73
2.5
Systemic Functional Linguistics
- -
- - - 73
2.5.1 The Tristratal Functions of Language - - - - -
75
2.6
Text and Context - - -
- - - 78
2.7
Genre - - -
- - - - -
- 82
2.7.1 The Study of Political Discourse- - - - -
83
2.8
APC, Communicative Event
and Orders of Discourse - - 89
2.9
Intertextuality and
Interdiscursivity - - - -
- 91
2.10
Language and the APC as an
Institution - - -
- 93
2.11
The Discourse of Political
Manifestoes - - -
- 94
2.12
Language and the Nigerian
Political Context - - - 97
2.13
APC, Language and
Opposition Politics in Nigeria‟s Fourth Republic 98
2.14
Review of Empirical
Previous Studies - - -
- 100
2.15
Theoretical Framework - -
- - - - 113
2.15.1 Analytical Procedure - -
- - - - -
120
2.15.1.1 Graphology - - - -
- - - - 121
2.15.1.2 Textual/Sentence Structure - -
- - - - 121
2.15.1.3 Modality - - -
- - - - -
122
2.15.1.4 Transitivity - - - -
- - - - 122
2.15.1.5 Active and Passive Form -
- - - - -
122
2.15.1.6 Nominalization - - -
- 123
2.15.1.7 Relational Values - - -
- 123
2.15.1.8 Metaphors - - -
- - 123
2.15.1.9 Experiential Values - -
- - 123
2.15.1.10 Cohesion - - -
- - - - -
124
2.15
Summary of the Chapter - -
- - - - 124
3.0 CHAPTER
THREE: RESEARCH METHODOLOGY 126
3.1
Preamble -
- - - - -
- - 126
3.2
Data Collection - -
- - - - -
126
3.3
Method of Data Analysis - -
- - - - 127
4.0
CHAPTER FOUR: PRESENTATION OF DATA,
ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION -
- - - - -
- 132
4.1
Presentation of Data - -
- - - - -
132
4.2 Textual Analysis / Sentence Structure -
- - -
132
4.2.1
Graphology/Genre - -
- - - - -
133
4.2.2
Register - - - -
- - - - 134
4.2.3
Framing - - - -
- - - - 136
4.2.4
Foregrounding/Backgrounding - -
- - -
136
4.2.5
Omission/ Deletion - -
- - - - -
137
4.2.6
Presupposition - - -
- - - - -
138
4.2.7
Topicalization - - -
- - - - -
139
4.2.8
Agency -
- -- - - -
- - 140
4.2.9
Insinuation - - - -
- - -- -- 140
4.2.10
Connotation - - - - -
- - -
141
4.2.11
Mood - - - -
- - - - -
142
4.3 Analysis of Sentence Structure - - 142
4.4 Analysis of Cohesion - -
- - 143
4.4.1
Reference - - -
- - 144
4.4.2 Substitution and Ellipses - -
- 146
4.4.3
Conjunction - - - -
- - - - 147
4.4.4
Lexical Cohesion - -
- - - - -
148
4.5
Analysisof Modality - -
- - - - -
153
4.5.1 Discussion on Modality - - -
- - - - 159
4.6 Analysisof Vocabulary - -
- - - -
1634.7
Analysis of Nominalization - - -
- - -
167
4.7.1
Analysis of Passivization - -
- - - - 170
4.7.2 Discussion on Nominalization and
Passivization- - - -
172
4.8
Discussion on Metaphors - - -
- - - - 175
4.9
Analysis of Transitivity - - -
- - - - 180
4.9.1Data for Transitivity Analysis - - -
- - - 182
4.9.2
Discussion on Material Process - - -
- - -
183
4.9.3
Discussion onBehavioural Process - - -
- - -
187
4.9.4
Discussion of Mental Processes - - -
- - -
189
4.9.5
Discussion on Verbal Process - - -
- - -
191
4.9.6
Discussion on Relational Process- - -
- - -
192
4.9.7
Discussion on Existential Process - - - -
- - 194
4.10
General Discussion - - - -
- - - - 196
4.11
Summary of Findings- - -
- - - - 208
5.0 CHAPTER FIVE: SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND
SUGGESTIONS
2115.1 Preamble - - - -
- - - -
-
2115.2
Summary --
- -
- - - - -
2115.3
Conclusion - - - - -
- - -
-
2135.4 Contribution
to Knowledge- - - - -
- -215
5.5 Suggestions for Further Studies - -
- - -
216Reference
- - - - - -
- - - 217
Appendix
- -
- - - - - --230
LIST OF
CHARTS, FIGURES ANDTABLES
1.
Figure 1: Major Research
Strategies and their Theoretical Roots………… 53
2.
Figure 2: Discourse as
Text, Interaction and Context…………..………..
80
3.
Figure 3: The Three
Dimensional Model for CDA…………….……… 118
4.
Table 1: Showing
Differential Wording Patterns.…………………………152
5.
Table 2: Frequency
Distribution of Modality……………………………154/5
6.
Chart 1: Frequency of
Occurrence of Modal Verbs..………………………155
7.
Table 3: Values of Modal
Power Expressions………………………… 160
8.
Table 4: Differential
Pattern of Word Meaning…………………………164/5
9.
Figure 4: Transitivity
System ……………………………………………181
10.
Box 1: Keys for
Transitivity Analysis……………………………………182
11.
Figure 5: The Inverted
Pyramid of Power.……………………………195
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
1.1 Background to the Study
The critical discourse analytical study of the
manifesto of Nigeria's All Progressives
Congress(henceforth, APC‟s
manifesto) is concerned with the dialectics of Language, ideology and politics.
This implies the way Language and ideology constitute, and are constituted by
Politics in the APC‟s manifesto in keeping with the argument that politics is
one of the social domains which practices are virtually exclusively discursive.
Political cognition, van Dijk would say, is by definition ideologically based
(van Dijk, 2000). In what follows, this chapter explains the major variables of
the research topic.
Textual
theorization, be it text-linguistic or discourse-analytic or literary-theoretic,
has traditionally been characterized by endeavours which completely overlook
the possibility of a symbolic relation between language, ideology and politics.
It tends to see language as playing an occasional and accidental role in the
overall framework of textual enquiry. As a result, core questions about the
nature of discourse or text have partly passed researchers by. Such works have
largely been confronted almost independently of parallel advances in studies
which view language as expressing unequal power relations and mediating
ideology. Thus they fall short of an adequate theory of Critical Linguistics or
Discourse Studies or Communication. The present endeavour is an attempt to fill
this gap.
Being
interested ab initio in the language
use by opposition political parties in Nigeria, the public presentation of the
APC‟s manifesto in 2013 was eagerly anticipated and welcomed. Hence, the choice
of the APC‟s manifesto was based on the criteria of recency
and topicality. It was motivated by a
desire to construct an understanding of the language component of the Nigerian
body polity that makes visible and analyzable the contemporary issues of power
and ideology in the Nigerian political discourse. This understanding is
crucial, not only as an academic endeavour, but also as a theoretical ground
for both linguistic and social action. The knowledge of power and ideology, to
borrow from Paulo Freire, “is an important part of praxis, the action and
reflection of men and women upon their world in order to transform it” (Freire,
1970: 66 is cited in Hobday, 2006:1). This is consistent with the aim of the
critical discourse analytical study of the APC‟s manifesto which deploys
Fairclough‟s Dialectical - Relational Approach to Critical Discourse Analysis
(henceforth, CDA). The study is thus premised on the view of language as not
merely reflecting but determining reality. This view is central to much
contemporary thinking about the relation between language and society. In this
view, language does more than saying, it does more than pass on information or
reflect existing reality. It is about action and interaction (including
political actions and interactions). In this regard, Birch (1990:167)asserts
that “language is not a neutral instrument, it is biased in a thousand ways,
and those ways of course are determined by any number of differing ideologies,
knowledge and power systems and institutions”.
It follows that any linguistic
enquiry should, in addition to being aware of the ideologies involved in the
construction and reception of discourse in general (and Political Discourse in
particular), also be aware of the theoretical and methodological assumptions
which form its own practices(Billig, 2003; van Dijk, 2005). To buttress this
fact, Fowler and
Kress (1979) cited in Birch
(1990:171)argue that “language is not just a reflex of social processes and
structures, but contributes instrumentally to the consolidation of existing
social structures and material conditions”. The point being made here is that
the structures of language cannot be separated from language use since texts
are the linguistic part of complicated communicative interactions.
Thus this study examines the
ideological representations of economic and socio-political events in Nigeria
(under the then ruling People's Democratic Party, henceforth, PDP). This
involves not only how language use in the APC‟s manifesto demonstrates the
party's engagement in power struggle but also how the representation exercises
power in shaping people's interpretation of Nigeria. This endeavour is
significant especially as politics the world over is germane to the key issues
of power, ideology, legitimization, persuasion and struggles for dominance.
However, CDA is more concerned with the opacity of texts than with the
transparency of text or talk. The concern of CDA is with, according to Locke
(2004:40) “the discursive constructions or stories
that are embedded in texts as
information that is less readily available to
consciousness”.
In the different kinds of text or
discourse that can qualify as political: interviews in the print or electronic
media, campaign speeches, parliamentary debates, manifestos (as in this case),
to mention only a few, some of these key issues are implicitly or explicitly
underscored (Taiwo, 2010). This is because scholars in CDA amalgamating
linguistic and social theories argue that discourse is part of the social
processes and practices (Fairclough, 2000). In the APC's manifesto, language as
a semiosis is an element of the social process which is dialectically related
to ideology and politics. Fairclough (1989:
23) captures the social conditioning
of language when he asserts that “linguistic phenomena are social in the sense
that when people speak or listen or read or write, they do so in ways which are
determined socially and have social effects”.
Language and politics are interwoven.
Politics is one of the major events that pervade the social world of mankind,
and language is the creator, enricher and sustainer of this social world. To
buttress how this underscores the intimate link between language and politics
at a fundamental level, Chilton (2004: 6) posits that “the doing of politics is
predominantly constituted in language”. There are other scholars who
corroborate this close link between language and politics. For example, Awonusi
(2008: 10) sees the relationship between language and politics as
“bidirectional”. He means that language affects politics and politics affects
language. Opeibi (2009) on his part sees the relationship as “symbiotic”.
Buttressing further these assertions is Beard (2000) who identifies the whole
essence of politics as the wish to gain power, exercise power and keep power,
and “language is the major vehicle for achieving these goals” (Beard, 2000:2).
Thus, politics is concerned with power: the power to make decisions, to control
resources, to control other people's behaviour, and to control their values. It
is language which expresses this power. Ayoade, a famous Nigerian political
scientist rightly says that “language is the conveyor belt of power. It moves
people to vote, debate, or revolt. It is therefore, central explanation of
political stability or polarization” (Ayoade, 1982 is cited in Ademilokun and
Taiwo, 2013:347).
Political Discourse, a strand of CDA
is a unique discourse token that reflects the dynamicity of language and its
environment. Numerous scholars have indeed given this aspect of discourse
different meanings. According to Wilson (2003: 398):
Political discourse
is concerned with formal and informal political
contexts and political actors,
politicians, political institutions, governments, political media,
and political supporters operating in
political environments to achieve
political goals.
Commenting on the same topic, Alvarez-Cáccamo and
Prego- Vásquez (2003), cited in
Ayoola (2008: 160), view public
political discourse as “a form of appropriation and an inherently asymmetrical
tool for power”. However, van Dijk, one of the leading scholars in CDA offers a
more encompassing definition of this field of linguistic enquiry. He succinctly
says it is “a class of genres defined by a social domain, namely that of
politics” (Van Dijk, 1998). This definition therefore confines the concept of
political discourse to the „linguistic behaviour‟ of politicians and political
parties. Hence, van Dijk (2001b) says further that a Political Discourse is one
that accomplishes a political act in a political institution, such as
governing, legislation, electoral campaigning, and so on. Specifically, he
notes that:
A study of the
topics, coherence, arguments, lexical style, . . . of a political
discourse may of course reveal much about the unique character of such
a discourse, and also allows inferences
about the cognitive, social and
especially political functions of such discourse (Van Dijk, 2001a: 30).
From these submissions, suffice it to
say that the use of language in the APC‟s manifesto, which is the focus of this
study, constitutes political discourse. It then becomes worthy to examine how
the signifying practices in the discourse of the APC‟s manifesto reflect or
demonstrate some of the concerns of CDA such as ideology, power abuse and
discrimination. Therefore, the
motivation for this study hinges less on the need to describe how the manifesto
as a campaign tool for the 2015 general elections in Nigeria has effectively or
otherwise presented political and social issues in its texts than on how
language figures in such (re)presentation. This is in keeping with Wodak's
point that “the notions of ideology, power, hierarchy and gender together with
sociological variables were all seen as relevant for an interpretation or
explanation of text” (Wodak, 2001:6).
1.2 APC’s Manifesto: Composition and Style
The APC‟s manifesto is a compact booklet with a
formal dedication on how to insure the
Nigerian state. It may be described
in the words of Miller as “typified rhetorical actions based in recurrent
situations” (Miller,1984 is cited in Collin, 2012: 76). For this study, it is a
tour de force and a superlative
masterpiece instancing the essence of the party's political philosophy. It
spells out the APC‟s universal mission, namely the organization and
administration of power. Power conceived as the resource through which
legitimacy and hegemony are secured (Galadima, 2014; Momo, 2014). In addition
to the introduction which is entitled „An Honest Contract for Nigeria‟, the
APC‟s manifesto is structured into three parts. The first part deals with the
strategies of statecraft: job creation and the provision of health, education
and housing, tackling poverty and insecurity. Part two deals with building the
economic substructure: modern infrastructure, agriculture and good governance.
The last part concerns the administration of justice and foreign policy, among
others. The formal presentation or representation of these issues in the
manifesto has important implications for the APC‟s imaginative and practical
conception of reality, politics and human significance which motivates a
critical discourse analytical study.
In its narratological framework, the
APC in the manifesto is a narrative scheme or device which is used to hang the
narrative together to give the prose vigour and speed. The need for dramatic
effects derives the discourse. And the APC is made into a sort of creator who
tells the story and moves the plot. This narrator becomes pervasive as the alterego of the manifesto, the hero of
the tale. On this reading, the addressee – Nigeria, and sometimes – the then
ruling PDP, are only discursive subjects and the APC – the writer, the
discoursing subject. Thus in the trio of Nigeria, PDP and APC is a salient
construction of social actors but who are at the same time the ever-present
ideational and technical resources of both the narrative and discourse. The
effects are: the APC manifesto's rational disposition, its realist diction,
systematic argumentation and great economy. Examples:
• The APC‟s manifesto is different. (p. 2)
• We listen, we promise, we deliver. (p. 3)
• In order to fulfil our commitment to Nigerians, the building
block of our human development plan will be implemented through coherent
health, education and social welfare policies. (p. 3)
• Today many parts of Nigeria are wracked by chaos and
violence…(p. 18)
• We must restore faith in our institutions and leaders (p. 38)
• No society can progress where half of its population suffers
systemic
discrimination (p. 42)
Often, the PDP‟s political thought
and moral discourse are repeatedly challenged, deconstructed, critiqued and
rejected in sentences like:
• When this democratic dispensation commenced in 1999, the federal
government that emerged did not tell Nigerians what its vision was for the
country. (p. 2)
• Tens of thousands of innocent Nigerians have been killed due to
government neglect of security; poverty and unemployment have multiplied due to
the perverse economic policies. (p. 2).
Furthermore, the APC‟s manifesto is
replete with dichotomous sentences – such that positions two extreme and
antithetical solutions. For instance: it is no longer a question of choice but
of will and courage (p. 6). The manifesto also has almost a dialectical
structure; that is a polarized binary structure of argumentation. For example:
• In the midst of penury and economic hardship, small elite live
in almost unimaginable wealth and luxury (p. 8).
• Without urgent action on employment, Nigeria is in danger of
spiraling into
further social unrest (p. 9)
• It is not just the production of cash crops that has fallen off.
Food production in general has been declining since the 1960s (p. 34).
• For too many Nigerians, government is a burden rather than a
help (p. 38).
With these patterns of sentence
structure and lexical choice, the APC‟s manifesto is utterly self-conscious. To
wit, it is politically pungent, critical and sensitive, linguistically
economical and socially indignant, rapid and taut. For the purpose of this
study, therefore, the manifesto's narrative structure, composition and style
are seen as the effects of an objectively covert combination of relations and
forces, driven by the mode of production of material goods, culture and
discourse within the Nigerian political and discursive formations. Thus the
object is a critical analysis rather than an evaluation of these sentences‟
truth conditions. The reason being the origin of a belief or ideology (as
conceived in this study) is not central, or even relevant, to its evaluation as
true or false.
In a word, the aim is to critically
analyze the APC‟s manifesto in the light of a Dialectical Relational Approach
within the CDA paradigm.
1.3
Statement of the Research
Problem
In any form of persuasive rhetoric on
screen, in speech or in print, be it advertisement, interview or manifesto (as
in this case), language is employed in varied and mediated ways by its users to
represent aspects of the social world (reality). Hence, how Nigeria is governed
is informed by the narratives of the ruling class, political elites or
institutions.
The choices made in language to tell
„these stories‟ are not neutral, but reflective and formative of power,
ideologies and values. Without an investigation of how power operates in such
discursive domain, power often remains invisible. This invisibility does not
mean that it has been neutralized or shared equally among interested Nigerians.
It rather means that the prevailing power structures continue to operate. Thus,
this study examines the manifesto of the APC to reveal how it constructs,
manipulates, maintains and portrays power and mediates ideology and the other
enabling linguistic values. This is necessitated by the absence, to the best of
knowledge of this researcher, of any completed linguistic investigation or critical
discourse analysis of the APC‟s manifesto in Nigeria.
The motivation hinges on the need to
describe how the APC‟s manifesto as a campaign tool for the 2015 general
elections in Nigeria presents policy statements in its texts,but particularly,
how languagefigures in such (re)presentations.Taiwo, (2010: 173) identifies the
issues that shape discourse in the Nigerian political scene as “corruption and
mismanagement of resources, human right abuses, ethno-religious violence,
flawed electoral process, and so forth”.Incidentally, these issues are found to
be the thematic concerns of theAPC‟s manifesto as an electoral campaign organ,
particularly as an opposition party (initially), to highlight the
inefficiencies of the government in power. It is the belief of this study that
an analysis that reveals how parties through manifestoes linguistically
construct ideological representations and how such representations exercise
power in shaping people‟s interpretation of events are bothimperative and
necessary. A working assumption, therefore, is that the APC‟s manifesto is a
social construct whose discourse embodies ideologies and reflects unequal power
relations. Thus, the study deals with the properties of relations between social
groups. That is to say while focusing on social power purely personal power is
overlooked, unless enacted as an individual realization of political group
power, that is, by individuals as members of the APC.
1.4 Research
Questions
This study formulates the following research questions
to guide its study:
1. What socio-political context influence the discursive features
of language use in the APC‟s manifesto?
2. How does language use in the APC‟s manifesto advance specific
ideologies? Or how are political ideologies constructed, articulated and
redefined by linguistic resources in the APC‟s manifesto?
3. How are power relations articulated and maintained within the
discourse of the
APC‟s manifesto?
4. What contextual and cultural elements do shape the APC
manifesto‟s discourse?
5. What are the implications of the APC‟s discursive mechanisms on
how agencies
are positioned in such discursive power structures?
1.5
Aim and Objectives of the
Study
The aim of this research is to
undertake a critical discourse analytical study of the APC‟s manifesto. The
attainment of this aim hinges on enabling an understanding of how English
language works to express unequal power relations and mediate ideologies in the
selected manifesto. Specific objectives of the study are to:
1. identify the discursive features of the APC‟s manifesto and
relate same to the socio-political context of its discourse.
2. identify the significant linguistic resources used to define,
construct and articulate the APC‟s ideology.
3. analyze how the APC manifesto‟s discourse articulates and
maintains unequal power relations.
4. discuss what really produces the contextual and cultural
elements that shape the
APC manifesto‟s discourse.
5. examine how agency is positioned and the implications of the
APC‟s language use on subjects or
subject positions.
1.6
Significance of the
Study
The critical discourse analytical
study of the APC‟s manifesto is significant because as a campaign tool, the
manifesto has wide ranging effects on the public. It is also significant
because the APC is the first opposition political party in Nigeria to unseat an
incumbent president through the instrumentality of the ballot box. It is
topical and recent. The influence of its manifesto in Nigeria has not received
much attention. Accounts of language use in political communication whether by
politicians or authors of manifestoes need a critical analytic approach if the
electorates as well as language specialists are to decode its message and
receive the desired impact.The study will help both voters and patrons in
Nigerian politics to understand language in ways which are communicatively
effective, rewarding and appropriate. This study enhances the manifesto‟s accessibility,
facilitate the soaring of its message and ease the decoding of its ideology for
the advancement of Nigeria‟s democracy.
Available literature shows that only
little attention has been paid to the critical language use of anopposition
party which wrestled power from a ruling party. It is hopeful that this study
contributesto and expand the knowledge of political discourse; and also as a
proof that CDA is an empirical tool for the analysis of the political discourse
of both opposition parties and the governing party.Indeed, much of the writings
and speechesof politicians express ideologically grounded opinions. In this
light, this study offers students, researchers, and policy makers special
insight into how the APC‟s manifesto constructs ideologies by the dint of
language use, and wield social power through consent in the stead of coercion;
that is, power as enacted by persuasion, dissimulation or manipulation, among
the many strategic ways to change the mind of Nigerians in the political party‟s
own interest. The study contributes to the extant body of knowledge and also
opens the floodgate for further research in the field. This research,
hopefully, brings novel dimensions to the linguistic study of language use in
political party discourses in Nigeria and in the world far and wide.
Specifically, it contributes by bringing linguistic, empirical, and qualitative
methodological approaches, in a word, multi disciplinarity into the study of the
discursive practices in the APC‟s manifesto.
1.7 Justification for the Study
There are normative reasons why a
critical discourse analytical study of the APC‟s manifesto is urgently called
for. First, political reality is a social construct, manufactured through
discursive practices and shared systems of meaning. Language does not simply
reflect this reality, it actually co-constitutes it. Consequent upon which this
study highlights the discoursal functions of language employed by the APC.
Second, the APC manifesto‟s discourse employs linguistic resources which
engender ideologies and power which this study reveals their features and
implications. Third, the composition of the APC‟s manifesto requires a
significant degree of political and social consensus and a consensus is
inconceivable without language. These three points justify the critical
discourse analytical study of the APC‟s manifesto.
This study is also justified on the
basis that previous studies and analyses of the discourses of political parties
only portrayed their rhetoric and related categories. Only little attention (as
the review of empirical previous studies in the next chapter shows) has been
paid to the critical language use of an opposition party(which wrestled power
from a ruling party). The APC being a major opposition political party at
inception, the selected manifesto is a landmark political discourse where the
use of language as a tool for achieving ideological and political goal deserves
a critical attention. The present study reveals the plethora of ideologies
embedded in the discourse used to sway the people.
1.8
Scope and Delimitation
This research is a critical discourse
analytical study of the APC‟s manifesto. The APC comprises the former three
biggest opposition parties – Congress for Progressive Change
(CPC), Action Congress of Nigeria
(ACN) and All Nigeria People‟s Party (ANPP), and a faction of All Progressives
Grand Alliance (APGA). The political situation and context which this study
makes reference to is the Nigeria‟s fourth republic.
It is, perhaps, needless to say that
no research has the ability to unravel all the problematic areas in its field
and beyond, which thereby makes it categorical for the review of all research
studies. Accordingly, this study has its limits due to the barrier of space, resource,
exposure and time. It is not feasible to make a comprehensive analysis of all
the manifestoes of political parties or opposition political parties in
Nigeria. The scope of the study is limited to doing a critical discourse
analytical study of the APC‟s manifesto. Some contextual concepts and
linguistic analysis are employed to actualize the objectives of the study and
get at the meaning of the manifesto. Thus, CDA here implies both a micro and
macro linguistic analysis of the APC manifesto's discourse.
Login To Comment