CHAPTER ONE

Introduction

Over time, human beings have used different medium in educating, entertaining and communicating with space and time. This they have done through wood and stone, parchment and paper, fire and smoke, folktales and songs, riddles and dance. As new media was created, the old ones have become relegated to the background, even though not completely abandon.Folklore still remains an important medium in the society.  Although it is not given much attention, it has contributed in the shaping and instilling of morals. Folklore consists of a variety of forms. The forms include folk theatre, puppetry, folktales, dance, riddles and songs.

They have served as vehicles of education and entertainment. “Encyclopedia of Social Sciences”

(2004) defines folklore as a metacultural category”… and as a body of expressive culture including tales, music, dance, legend, oral history, proverbs and superstitions, common to a particular population that comprise the tradition of that culture, subculture or group….” Ranganath (1975) asserts that folklore are “living expressions of the lifestyle and culture of a people, evolved through the years… reiterate the origin and nurturing of the folk channels in, and by the richness of the indigenous culture”.

This dissertation therefore, attempts a functional analysis of Moroa folktales. The function of Moroa folktales and the role they play in the society are to inculcate morals, entertain and educate. This research will consider a general background on Moroa thus, the form function and aesthetic value comprising songs and riddles which add flavor will be considered in addition to and how it helps in bringing out the art and beauty of Moroa folktales. Also, the audience and  performerwho serve as a medium to pass the intended message of these folktales thus, giving an insight on what is obtainable in Moroa folktales are appraised.

Background of the study

Moroa is located in the savannah landscape of Kaduna State,Nigeria, that extends North-West and South-East into the Jos Plateau. The land of the Moroa covers an estimated area of approximately 25 square kilometers. Moroa shares similar relief climate and physical features with the people of Plateau State, and this influences the  socio-economic, political and cultural activities of the Moroa as a people.

According to Bonat (1992:3), the word „Moroa‟ is used to refer to both the land and the people‟s language. He states that the Moroa call themselves „Asholio‟ and speak „Sholio‟ which is classified as one of the dialects in the Kataf dialect clusters along with „Kagoro‟, „Attakar‟, „Kachechera‟ and „Fantswan‟. According to Hansford (1976) these tribes share similarities in language and culture. Studies in Moroa are mostly anthropological, critical works are apparently not readily obtainable except works from their neighbors Kagoro, Fansutwam, Atyapwith whom they share similar culture and tradition.

In  Africanthe history and culture of most people are preserved and transmitted through the oral tradition from generation to generation, thereby, giving rise to conflicting accounts. The same applies to Moroa history which has different versions and that have gained wide acceptance among the people of Moroa. According to Francis et al (1992), the Moroa and their immediate    neighbours – the Kataf – descended from a common ancestor called „Marawa‟ who inhabited the Bauchi lowlands. The intertribal wars, during the years of slave trade in the 16^th century, forced a scattered migration with Moroa settling first at „Tukwad‟ and at Gwantsai, Yelwa and Tankuranyg before eventually moving to Bondong, Kijim and their present location. The Moroa migrated from „Tukwad‟ to „Chenvag‟ (River Kajim).However, the expansion of population caused the Moroa to move and settle in what today is Randiam, Bondong, Gwantsai and Tankurang.

Bonat (1992), asserts that the „Asholio‟ once lived on the Bauchi Plateau further to the east and migrated to their present territory to the plains of Kaduna River through „TUKWAD‟.It is important to note that the Moroa are organized in four administrative clans, namely: „The Lustse‟, „Ne Abuwat‟, „Ne Zam‟ and „Ne Suah‟, who all play specific roles in the development of the society. This level of organization shows a political growth among the „Asholio‟ which Meek (1467) explains that:

Social organization in Moroa land was influenced first by the family, then marriage that now led to the formulation of clan which is composed of a number of Kindred‟s now occupying the same territory, but believing to be related.

According to Bonat (1992), the Moroa were never conquered by any of the slave raiders of old. The Moroa metamorphosed from hunting to farming as a major occupation. The Moroa land areas is known to be underlain by igneous rocks which according to Hutcheo et al (1993) belong mainly to the Precambrian and lower pulaeozoic basement complex.Bonat (1992) posits that within this geological formation can be found rock, granite and very fertile spill. A colonial survey in 1914 found the area well drained by the stream „Gwuang‟ and river „Chichan‟ which flow from the Jos Plateau to „Attakar‟ and „Kagoro‟ hills. It is from it that river Kaduna and Gurara take their sources.

Any serious examination of the history of Moroa would be incomplete without a reference to their neighbors both in Kataf and on the Jos Plateau. Therefore, Meek (1967) shows evidence from linguistic and archaeological studies of these tribes having close affinities with the Plateau and Southern Kaduna languages. Bonat (1992) states that, a study of the „Afizire‟ (Jarawa) of Bauchi whose language is closely related to the „Gworok‟ and „Sholio‟ shows a general East to West migratory movement – a process that took place a long time ago.

Religion

The Moroa are known to be traditionalists who believe in gods. According to an interview conducted with Mr. Bulus, in Manchok, these gods are known to have supernatural powers. Each family had a god and some ritual rites were performed annually to appease such gods. Also, there are members of families known to possess supernatural powers. These particular individuals are seen by other people as having a superpower which, people seldom possess. Also, witchcraft and supernatural powers are inherited and are usually for protection not harm. Berg (1996:81) however posits that, witchcraft was strongly believed to be an insidious secret practice and innately evil. Witches according to Bulus are believed to be usually active at night and change to animals such as snakes, horse, hare, grasshoppers, cats and dogs. They invite members who are in the same coven with them. Possessing these supernatural powersis part of the founding religious beliefs of the Moroa.

Awoonor (1995) says: religious practice expresses the cosmology of the African world. Man‟s proper function is to exist according to the natural law of the universe. If there is disaster then it means that one or more of these laws have been broken and the harmonic chain is shattered. An individual‟s transgression brings disaster upon the group. So the group that serves as the source of life for the individual through blood and lineage must once in a while be subjected to the art of cleansing and expiation. Therefore, the Moroa people, like other Africans were spiritual even as they pursued their social existence before the adveat of colonialism, Islam and Christianity. This affected the thinking and perspectives of the Moroa and how they presently view things.

Marriage

Marriage in Moroa is usually done communally; a father chooses a wife for his son. Thus, this process according to Bulus can be done by selectively selecting a wife from a responsible home.

The father looks at the background, history and character of a lady and chooses her for his son.

Also, this selection could be made by a father whose friend‟s wife is pregnant and he begins to show interest by bringing items such as food, harvest from farm and fruits. These are signs that the unborn child has been betrothed already. Also, another is where a son-in-law to-be organizes his friends to cultivate a piece of land for seven years for the family of the lady before getting her hand in marriage or, better still, he pays the money for the seven years cultivation of a piece of land before getting her for as wife. Also, a man could point to a particular girl he likes and tell his father and they both should go to the family of the lady.Without her consent sought, dowry is paid and she automatically becomes his wife.

This old tradition of getting married without the consent of the lady among the Moroa is no longer practised, due to the embrace of modernization. At the moment, individuals who are ready for marriage now go and bring a  lady of their choice and introduce her and the traditional rites are conducted and a day is fixed for the celebration. Also, the Moroa are known to be polygamous in nature and this nature serves as a display of wealth among them.

Education

Education among the Moroa was majorly informal. Children learned primarily from parents, elders and peer groups. They ensured children conformed to the norms by living morally and socially upright through the stories told them in the community. Children in Moroa are taught to respect not just their parents and elders in the community.

 Education is a vital aspect of every society, in that the process of teaching and learning enables the society to move forward. Rodney (1972:199) says: Education is crucial in any type of society for the preservation of the lives of its members and for maintaining the social structure. Under certain circumstances, education also promotes social change. The greater portion of the education being acquired by the young from the example and behavior of the elders in the society is informal. Under normal circumstances education owes its origin or source to the environment. The learning is directly related to the pattern of words in the society. This can clearly sum up the education process in precolonial society. The girls stay at home with the mothers and learn some form of housekeeping like cooking, washing, plaiting,  while the boys go with their fathers and learn hunting, farming, fishing, and craft. All these were forms of informal education passed on to the children, thus: apprenticeship was also part of it. A child could be sent to learn blacksmithing or traditional medicines which are forms of education, and hand over the skills to the next generation.  

Statement of the problem

This study focuses on the art of storytelling among the Moroa people and its place in their tradition in order to demonstrate the continued function and significance to the people as well as to reveal their indigenous aesthetics. This is because, since the Moroa are viewed as a minority, its stories, which not only express but also codify and reinforce people's thought, feeling, beliefs, and behavior are neglated and not studied.  This is more pressing because, the art of storytelling, especially the recitation aspect of it is already diminishing, due largely to the influence of modernization and telecommunication technology which now provide alternative entertainment to people. Hence, storytellers are discouraged due to the lack of audiences during storytelling sessions. Thus, this research sets to find out answers to these prepositions.

•       What is a folktale to the Moroa people?

•       What factors are responsible for the decline and changing state of the folktale in Moroa society?

•       How do folktales shape the moral values and character of the people of Moroa?

•       How do folktales provide entertainment in Moroa society?

Aim and Objectives

The aim of this study is to undertake a functional analysis of Moroa folktales as a means of identifying the values and traditional aesthetics in Moroa.  

The objective of this research is based on the fact that folktales are important aspects of education, communication, and entertainment in African societies. Hence, the precise people to be considered here are the Moroa in particular of the Kaura Local Government of Kaduna State. Stories will be analyzed for their educative, didactic, entertainment and moral values. These folktales will be grouped thus in themes and meaning will be buttressed.

The objectives of this research are to:

•       investigate the Moroa heritage of folktales as a means of creating values.

•       explore how interest can be brought back to traditional Moroa folktales.

•       encourage further research on the aesthetic of Moroa folktales as well as oral tradition.

•       demonstrate how folktales are used to shape the character and moral values of the Moroa.

Justification for the Study

Studies on Moroa are mostly anthropological. Critical works on Moroa folktales are mostly not obtainable on their oral literature except works from their neighbors with whom they share similar culture and tradition. Thus, this limitation on the paucity of other studies on the subject of Moroa literature and folktale has remained untapped in the academic field.

This study is therefore intended as a contribution. Stories serve as a major form of orientation and socialization, which not only expresses but also codifies and reinforces people's thought feelings, beliefs and behavior. Stories also teach children what is proper and moral, and also remind the elders of their responsibilities. They put the stamp of approval upon certain values held by the group and thus, cement them with a common code of aspirations and values. They teach kindness invariably rewarding just as evil is invariably punishable. The idea of stories as carriers of moral code help to explain their ethical significance and the emotional satisfaction they give. Sutherland (1972:143) states that, these values and believes still hold way since they preserve nature, myth, religious belief, rituals, ancient customs and incantation of a community. The importance of folktale today further justifies studying it in this context. The Moroa society, like most African societies, has rich oral tradition untapped by scholars. Unfortunately, the people who are the repositories are gradually passing away. There is therefore, the need to collect and preserve the tradition of the people for posterity due to modernization. Storytelling, in general, was preserved by retelling it to successive generations. This is no longer the case.

Scope and Delimitation

This research work entails the collection and analysis of Moroa stories from the „Asholio‟ in Kaduna State. This dialect is chosen because it represents and defines who the Moroa are. The

„Asholio‟ dialect is especially chosen because it is recognized as one of the languages that has impacted on other dialects among its clusters and also in southern Kaduna state.

Methodology

This dissertation analyses Moroa folktales which examines the educative, moral, entertainment and socialization among the Moroa. Stories will be from the community as told by competent storytellers. Hence, ten stories will be collected, analysed and documented from „Gizagwai‟, and „Manchok‟ towns, all of Kaura Local Government Area of Kaduna State. These stories are selected because they express, codify and capture the Moroa expriences and relationship with people, neighbors and environs and how it affects them daily. Therefore, this research provides opportunities for an in-depth analysis of its subject matter. A qualitative method of data collection was used and an oral interview conducted to collect data. Various stories were collected and categorized under the following subheading: stories about people, human and monsters; historical stories; riddles and jokes. Furthermore, they are analyzed in relation to their thematic pre-occupation, setting, audience, venue, narrator, styles and the general significance of the stories. The tales were first documented with the help of a voice cassette recorder. The stories were then collected during the narration process with the help of this gadget. The collected stories were transcribed and translated into English language by the researcher.

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