ABSTRACT
This study examined
electoral violence and political apathy in Kolokuma/Opokuma L.G.A of Bayelsa
State. The study focused on the; relationship between electoral violence and
political apathy in Kolokuma/Opokuma L.G.A of Bayelsa State; causes of
electoral violence in Kolokuma/Opokuma L.G.A; extent to which electoral
violence affects the voters participation during in Kolokuma/Opokuma Local
Government 2019 election; and level of turn out during election
Kolokuma/Opokuma Local Government. A total of 100 questionnaires were
administered to the respondents in collecting relevant data from the field
using the simple random sampling technique. The research questions raised in
this study were answered and the hypotheses formulated were tested accordingly.
The result of the findings obtained from the analysis revealed that there is
significant relationship between electoral violence and political apathy in
Kolokuma/Opokuma Local Government Area of Bayelsa State. The study concluded
that strategies directed towards the victims of electoral violence can also
prevent violence from negatively affecting the attitudes towards democratic
politics, a necessary condition for sustainable peace. The study recommended
that political elite in both countries should be transparent, honest,
responsible and responsive in order to encourage voter turnout in both
countries at future national elections.
TABLE
OF CONTENTS
TITLE PAGE - - - - - - - ii
DECLARATION - - - - - - - - iii
CERTIFICATION - - - - - - - - iv
DEDICATION - - - - - - - - v
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS - - - - - - vi
CHAPTER
ONE
INTRODUCTION
1.1 Background to the Study
1.2 Statement of the Problem
1.3 Purpose of the Study
1.4 Research Questions
1.5 Research Hypotheses
1.6 Significance of the Study
1.7 Scope and Limitation of the Study
1.8 Operational Definitions of Terms
CHAPTER
TWO
LITERATURE
REVIEW
2.1
Concept
of Electoral Violence
2.2
Concept
of Political Participation
2.3
Electoral
Process and Political Apathy in Nigeria
2.4
Electoral
Violence and Political Apathy
2.5
The
Origins and Causes of Electoral Violence
2.6
Effect
of Electoral Violence on Electoral Participation
2.7
Electoral
Violence and Electoral Manipulation
2.8
Factors
that Caused Voter’s Apathy in Nigeria
2.9
Prevention
of Electoral Violence in Nigeria
2.10
Appraisal
of reviewed literature
CHAPTER
THREE
RESEARCH
METHOD AND PROCEDURE
3.1 Research
design
3.2 Population
of the study
3.3 Sample
and sampling technique
3.4 Research
instrument
3.5 Method
of data collection
3.6 Method
of data analysis
CHAPTER
FOUR
DATA
PRESENTATION AND DISCUSSION OF FINDINGS
4.1 Presentation of Data
4.2 Testing of Hypotheses
4.3 Discussion
of Findings
CHAPTER FIVE
SUMMARY, CONCLUSION, AND
RECOMMENDATIONS
5.1
Summary
5.2
Conclusion
5.3 Recommendations
5.4 Suggestions
for Further Studies
REFERENCES
APPENDIX: QUESTIONNAIRE
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
1.1 Background to the Study
The historical trajectory of electoral process in the
post colonial Nigeria is characterised by violence. Elections are held in
nearly all countries in the contemporary world. Yet despite their aim of
allowing for peaceful transfers of power, elections held outside of
consolidated democracies are often accompanied by substantial violence (Adesola
and Abimbola, 2014). In fact, recent manifestations of electoral violence, most
importantly since the birth of the Fourth Republic in 1999 have assumed an
unprecedented magnitude and changing form, resulting in instability in
democratic consolidation as well as the loss and displacement of many innocent
lives. It argues that the high incidence of electoral violence (pre and post)
in the Fourth Republic in particular is closely associated with neo-patrimonial
character of the Nigerian state, the nature and kind of party politics being
played, the weak institutionalisation of democratic architectures and
inefficient electoral management body among others. It posits that these were
among the factors that led to the fall or collapse of the First and Second
Republics (Adesola and Abimbola, 2014).
The electoral process in many of Nigeria’s ‘new’
democracies has been characterised by violence. However, recent manifestations
of electoral violence have assumed an unprecedented magnitude and changing form
and character, with negative implications for democratic stability and
consolidation. Evans (2021) argues that rising electoral violence in Africa is
closely connected with the neo-patrimonial character of the African state, the
nature of contestation for power, the weak institutionalisation of democratic
architectures, including political parties and electoral management bodies
(EMBs), and the fascinating political economy of electoral violence. This is
complicated by the absence/paucity of democrats, with democratic mindset, to
play the game of politics according to established rules. Worse still, avenues
for democratic redress, including the judiciary and civil society, are also
deeply implicated in the deepening contradictions of the state. The result is
the deinstitutionalisation of the people in the democratisation process.
Electoral violence is thus a major source of democratic instability with
palpable threats of deconsolidation (Dean, 2020).
Electoral violence is a sub-category of political
violence, which deserves special consideration from the policy community.
Indeed, electoral violence has received increasing international attention in
recent years due to the devastating effects of outbreaks of violence in Nigeria
around elections (Nweke and Eunice, 2020). The notion of violence-free
elections is encapsulated in the term ‘free and fair’ elections, serving as a
benchmark for determining the legitimacy of elections. Efforts by local and
international actors include electoral assistance, peacekeeping and monitoring
missions, civic and voter education. Yet, understanding of the consequences of
specific strategies and how their returns can be maximised, remains limited.
According to Evans (2021), there is an obvious decline
in political participation in both countries due to lack of trust in the
electoral process, among others, which has largely undermined the interest of
the electorate in the political systems of both countries. While most elections
in Nigeria have been held in a peaceful environment in recent years, various
acts of violence have been recorded. This violence, which is experienced by the
populations, political actors, leaders, and the international community, takes
root from the historical, political, and socio-economic parameters.
Understanding these parameters would allow to take a proactive approach and
prevent violence (Evans, 2021).
Dean (2015) opined that electoral violence is a
variant of political violence. He however stated that, electoral violence can
be distinguished from the political violence family through its particular
objective. Indeed, it is aimed at influencing the behavior of the voters,
candidates or distorting the results of the elections. For this purpose, it
attempts to delay, prevent the vote or compilation of votes, in order to obtain
results, which do not reflect the verdict of the ballot box. As observed,
electoral violence can take place in any stage of the electoral process. It can
happen before or on the polling day, as it was the case in the Nigeria
elections in 2007. It can also break out just after the elections as in the
2015 presidential election in Nigeria (Evans, 2021).
Electoral violence is triggered during the electoral
period, when the party in a strong or weak position finds that the other party
is unilaterally setting the rules of the game for its own benefit. The most
common trigger events are the following: registration in voters’ lists,
establishment of the electoral administration, and electoral results. Electoral
violence is expressed through the following actions: violation of the legal
framework; offensive or indecent words; murders; injury between rival
supporters; intimidation of opponents, voters, or electoral officials; ballot
stuffing; exclusion of communities. Therefore the targets of acts of violence
include: persons, either individuals or communities, or even candidates;
equipment, e.g. electoral campaign equipment, vehicles, offices, polling
stations. Electoral violence includes: verbal and symbolic electoral violence,
psychological electoral violence, and physical electoral violence, structural
or institutional violence. The voters can be prevented from participating in
the poll, forced to choose a candidate against their will. As a result, the
elections are either disrupted or cancelled straightaway (Adesola and Abimbola,
2014).
In every stable democratic society, election remains
the essential ingredient of transitory process from one civilian administration
to another. Elections have become an integral part of representative democracy
that by and large prevails across the world. According to Lindberg (2013),
every modern vision of representative democracy entails the notion of elections
as the primary means of selection of political decision makers. Thus, it is
incomprehensible in contemporary times to think of democracy without linking it
to the idea and practice of elections. Ojo (2017), described election as the
‘hallmark of democracy’ while Chiroro (2015) sees it as the ‘heart of the
democratic order’. In all, elections constitute a core component of democracy.
The electoral process in Africa in general and Nigeria in particular especially
since the beginning of the 21st century is characterised by
violence.
It is important to emphasize here that though violence
has been a long-standing feature of the democratisation process in the post
colonial Nigeria, its recent manifestations especially since the birth of the
Fourth Republic has assumed an unprecedented magnitude thus constituting a
major threat to the survival democracy. Fundamentally, there is no doubt the
fact that electoral violence remains a major source of political instability in
a democratic society with palpable threats of deconsolidation. Scholars among
which were Agbaje and Adejumobi (2020) have argued that violence has become
infused in political processes in most new democracies in Africa especially
with respect to the 21st century. For instance, according to the 2008 Amnesty
International Report, ‘the violent struggle for power, even in states which do
not descend into armed conflict, still remains an important component of
political life in Africa.
Nigeria, having survived decades of military
dictatorship which was characterized by despotism, violation of fundamental
human rights, financial profligacy among others, eventually returned to democratic
rule on May 29, 1999 which culminated in the birth of the Fourth Republic. The
republic which started amidst great hope and expectations is yet to
significantly convince the generality of the Nigerian populace its democratic
success especially with respect to the conduct of free, fair and credible
elections devoid of election violence (pre and post). In fact, both at national
and state levels, transition from one civilian administration to another since
2003 in particular has been very rough (Iwu, 2005). This is noticeable in the
various cases of electoral violence which has claimed several lives,
displacement of innocent people and wanton destruction of property. The conduct
of election since the birth of the fourth republic up to 2011 has been retrogressive
rather than progressive.
Unfortunately, the spate of bombings, kidnapping,
massive fraud and harassment associated with the electoral process in Nigeria
not only tarnish the image of our democracy, they also grossly affect voters‟
interest in politics. Voting, which is an important ingredient of democracy, is
thus seen as the business of party supporters and political thugs who are paid
peanuts to turn the whole process of election into a violence-packed political
jamboree suitable for only fiendish individuals with violent minds. This
unfortunate political trend in the country does not encourage popular
participation in politics (Evans, 2021). Many Nigerians now see politics as a
dirty game and so believe that active participation in political activities is
tantamount to embarking on a journey of no return. The true meaning of politics
has been wrongly interpreted by the attitudinal expressions of our politicians
who venture into politics not with the mind to serve but to be served. They
interpret politics to mean a platform for selfish aggrandizement of wealth and
fame. Winning of elections in Nigeria does not depend on the people’s choice
but on the number of political thugs, cultists, political god-fathers and
mothers at the disposal of public office contestants. This ugly scenario has
far-reaching implications for our nascent democracy and national security.
Refusing to take part in politics does not and will
never solve the problem of electoral violence in the country. Instead, an
apathetic citizenry will only fan the fire of systematic electoral violence
lubricated by systemic corruption. This study thus investigates electoral
violence and political apathy in Kolokuma/Opokuma L.G.A of Bayelsa State.
1.2 Statement of the Problem
This policy brief offers insights for policymakers
regarding strategies to prevent and manage electoral violence. It is based on a
study on the experiences of electoral violence in the recently concluded
Nigerian election. The study perceive electoral violence as a sub-category of
political violence, which deserves special consideration from the policy
community as observed by other researchers (Hoglund 2019, Hoglund, et al., 2019, Fischer 2012).
Indeed, electoral violence has received increasing
international attention in recent years due to the devastating effects of
outbreaks of violence in Nigeria around elections. The notion of violence-free
elections is encapsulated in the term ‘free and fair’ elections, serving as a
benchmark for determining the legitimacy of elections. Efforts by local and
international actors include electoral assistance, peacekeeping and monitoring
missions, civic and voter education (Abbink and Hesseling, 2019, Sisk, 2019,
Kumar, 2018). Yet, understanding of the consequences of specific strategies and
how their returns can be maximised, remains limited. Analysis for policy needs
to take into account the social divisions and potential conflict lines in
society. If electoral violence is not addressed it can have longstanding
consequences for social cohesion and the legitimacy of democracy.
The menace of electoral violence is usually higher in
the northern part of the country. There are so many causative agents of
electoral violence; it could be the influence of election rigging,
godfatherism, and a lot more. The result of these activities above could lead
to voter not turning out during election. The level of political apathy in the
northern part of the country is usually higher than any other part of the
country. The Christians in the northern part of Nigeria tend to stay indoors to
avoid being use as specimen retaliation during electoral violence. Lastly some
researchers have been based on electoral violence and political apathy but none
of these studies was able to determine the nature of the relationship between
electoral violence and political apathy in Nigeria. It is to this regard that
this study is based on electoral violence and political apathy in
Kolokuma/Opokuma Local Government Area of Bayelsa State.
1.3 Purpose of the Study
The main aim of the research work is to examine
electoral violence and political apathy in Kolokuma/Opokuma Local Government
Area of Bayelsa State. The specific objectives of the study are; to determine
the:
i.
relationship between
electoral violence and political apathy in Kolokuma/Opokuma L.G.A of Bayelsa
State;
ii.
causes of electoral
violence in Kolokuma/Opokuma L.G.A;
iii.
extent to which electoral
violence affects the voters participation during in Kolokuma/Opokuma Local
Government 2019 election;
iv.
level of turn out during
election Kolokuma/Opokuma Local Government
1.4 Research Questions
The study came up with research questions so as to
ascertain the above stated objectives of the study. The following research
questions guided the objectives of the study:
i.
What is the relationship
between electoral violence and political apathy in Kolokuma/Opokuma L.G.A?
ii.
What are the causes of
electoral violence in Kolokuma/Opokuma L.G.A?
iii.
To what extent has
electoral violence affected the voters participation during Kolokuma/Opokuma
Local Government 2019 election?
iv.
What is the level of turn
out during election in Kolokuma/Opokuma Local Government Area of Bayelsa State?
1.5 Research Hypotheses
The following hypotheses
stated in the null and alternative form will be tested in this study;
1.
There is no significant
relationship between electoral violence and political apathy in
Kolokuma/Opokuma Local Government Area of Bayelsa State.
2.
There is significant
relationship between electoral violence and political apathy in
Kolokuma/Opokuma Local Government Area of Bayelsa State.
1.6 Significance of the Study
The study on electoral violence and political apathy
in Kolokuma/Opokuma Local Government Area of Bayelsa State. The study will
explore electoral violence and how it affects political apathy in Nigeria. The
findings of the study will determine the causes of electoral violence and
proffer a lasting solution. The study will also serve as a repository of
information to other researchers that desire to carry out similar research on
the above topic. Finally the study will contribute to the body of the existing
literature on electoral violence and political apathy in Nigeria.
1.7 Scope and Limitation of the Study
The study will cover on electoral violence and
political apathy in Kolokuma/Opokuma Local Government Area of Bayelsa State.
However, the following constraints made the researcher to narrow down the study
to only the study area;
Financial constraint:
Insufficient fund tends to impede the efficiency of the researcher in sourcing
for the relevant materials, literature or information and in the process of
data collection (internet, questionnaire and interview).
Time constraint:
The researcher will simultaneously engage in this study with other academic
work. This consequently will cut down on the time devoted for the research work
1.8 Operational Definitions of Terms
Election:
An election is a formal decision-making process by which a population chooses
an individual to hold public office.
Electoral Violence:
As used in this study electoral violence refers to any harm or threat to any
person or property involved in the election process during the election period.
Political apathy:
Political apathy is a feeling of disinterest in the sense of politics or apathy
towards politics. It can consist of interest apathy, voter apathy, and information
apathy. It can be categorized as the indifference of an individual and a lack
of interest in participating in political activities.
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