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Product Code: 00005395

No of Pages: 83

No of Chapters: 5

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Table of Content



-                             i


-                             ii


-                             iii


-                             iv


-                             v


-                             vi – vii




-                             viii - xii




- 1 - 9




- 10 - 21




- 22 - 30






 OUTCOME OF NIGERIA’S FOREIGN POLICY INITIATIVE IN WEST AFRICA                                      - 50 – 55


CONCLUSION                                                                        -  56 – 57

 References                                                                                 - 58 – 63

Acronyms:                         Meanings:





-           Anno Domini; 2



-           African Economic Community; 24, 28



-           African Military Command; 60, 71



-           Africa Leadership Forum; 31



-           Armed Forces of Liberia (AFL); 56



–          African National Congress; 48



–          African Petroleum Producers Association; 5



-           African Peer Review Mechanism; 29



-           African Peace Support Trainers Association; 62



–          African Union; vi, xii, 5, 6, 23, 26, 27-35, 40, 42, 43, 46,





48 - 60, 63

–          African Union and United Nations; 39, 58



–          British Broadcasting Corporation; 55



–          Before Christ; 2



-           Centre for Advanced Social Studies; 33



-           Centre for Democratic Research and Training; 33



–          Commonwealth Telecommunication Organisation; 57



–          Computer Warehouse Group; 25



-           Democratic Republic of Congo; 28, 45



–          ECOWAS Monitoring Group; 2, 5, 10, 36, 37, 40, 43, 44, 54,





55, 63, 65.

–          Economic Community of West African States; 2, 5,6,8,9, 16,





17, 36-38, 40-44, 52-54, 61.

–          European Union; 25, 27



–          Federal Capital Territory; 5, 50



–          Federal Executive Council; 56, 57



–          Ibrahim Badamosi Babangida; 16, 17, 25



-           International Court of Justice; 38, 55



-           International Association for Peacekeeping Training Centres;






–          Information and Communications Technologies (ICT); 57



-           International Centre for Transitional Justice; 64



-           Institute for Governance and Social Research; 33



-           Institute for Security Studies; 65



-           Joint Development Authority; 59



-           Movement for Democratic Change; 42



–          Ministry of Foreign Affairs; 5, 8-10, 61



-           United Nations Mission for the Referendum in Western





Sahara; 49

-           Memorandum of Understanding; 31, 54



-           News Agency of Nigeria; 64, 68



–          New Economic Partnership for Africa Development; 9, 30-33,






-           Nigerian Institute of International Affairs; 9, 33, 61, 62, 64



-           Nigerian Institute for Social and Economic Research; 33



-           Nigerian Masses Organisation; 65



-           National Working Group; 32, 33



–          Organisation of African Unity; 9, 19, 27 – 32, 46, 48



–          Organisation of Islamic Countries; 8



-           Organisation of Petroleum Exporting Countries; 8



-           Southern African Development Community; 37, 42



–          Technical Assistance; 6



-           Technical Research Institutes; 33



–          United Kingdom; 5



–          United Nations; 9, 43, 45, 46, 49, 54, 58, 63



-           United Nations Assistance Mission in Rwanda; 46



-           United Nations Development Programme; 32



-           United Nations Economic Commission for Africa; 28, 32



-           United Nations Economic and Social Council; 55, 64



-           United Nations Education, Scientific and Cultural



Organisation; 46



-           United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees; 54



-           Lebanon under the United Nations; 48, 49, 50.



-           United Nations Iraq-Kuwait Observation Mission; 46



–          United Nations India-Pakistan Observation Mission; 45



-           United Nations Protection Force in Yugoslavia; 45



-           United Nations Military; 64



-           United Nations Organisation; 8



-           United Nations Operation in Mozambique; 45



-           United Nations Operations in Somalia; 45



-           United Nations Transition Assistance Group; 45



-           United Nations Angola Verification Mission; 45



–          United States; 58, 59, 65



–          United States of Africa; 42



–          United States of America; 19



–          Voice of America; 42, 59, 63, 65



–          World Trade Organisation; 6



-           Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front; 42



The Nigerian nation is known as one, whose foreign policy is essentially tailored to reflect her commitment to the well-being of all African countries; particularly in the areas of peaceful co- existence, prevention of violent conflicts - at intra-national and international levels - restoration of peace where necessary; and maintenance of peace all over the world.

For the purpose of this thesis, it is necessary to attempt a search into the rationale behind Nigeria‟s decision to make Africa the cornerstone of her foreign policy, since, according to J.A. Price in his book Political Institutions in West Africa,1 “the foreign policy of a State is liable to reflect the State‟s personality, but foreign policy cannot be developed in a completely arbitrary manner, since policy is bound to be affected by many considerations concerned with the circumstances and internal problems of the State.”

So, some of the vital factors that gave rise to this kind of foreign policy are namely the symbiotic relationships, religious affiliations, economic affairs and historical background.


1.                    Symbiotic Relationship:

First, Nigeria is the most populated country in the West African sub-region, if not in the entire African continent. This would not have been of any significance but for the fact that millions of Nigerian nationals are permanently resident in all the neighbouring countries of Togo, Benin Republic, Ghana, Liberia, Sierra Leone, the Gambia, Guinea, Cameroon and even countries to the north of the country like Chad and Niger Republics. Several other Nigerians based at home are itinerary traders; artisans and other unskilled workers make their living in these neighbouring countries, as well as Nigerian students now studying in these countries.

The implication is that Nigeria cannot afford to be hostile to these other countries if only because a large number of her citizens benefit from the symbiotic relationships, just as nationals of these other nations reside and make a living in Nigeria.

2.           Religious Affiliations:

Nigeria is a secular state where freedom of religion is guaranteed. But then, the country has a predominance of Christians and Muslims; the two major religions. This is not to suggest that there are no other religious groups, but they are not as prominent as the Muslims and Christians. The preponderance of the two religious groups has serious implications for the nation‟s foreign policy, since any noticeable policy perceived to be unfavourable to any of the two religious blocs can create problem domestically.

For  example,  the  nations  peace  was  relatively threatened  when  the  federal  government  of Nigeria,  during  General  Ibrahim  Badamosi  Babangida  (IBB)s  administration  announcement  that Nigeria was going to become a member of the Organisation of Islamic Countries (OIC). The southern Christian population saw the move as a betrayal in a country, whose constitution clearly declares a secular state. They also saw the military President, a Muslim, as using his position to drag the nation along to Islam, being the dominant religion of his people in the northern part of the country. There was uproar and widespread condemnation of the Babangida administration for this.

Therefore, even in deciding what relationships to maintain with other countries, the Nigerian government has a duty to weigh the implications of such decisions on the domestic front as policies tilting too closely to the side of countries professing either of the two religions could lead to disruption of peace within the country.

3.                    Economic Affairs:

Even now that Nigeria is close to celebrating the 50th anniversary of her political independence, she is still far away from economic independence as the nation remains a raw materials producer for the manufacturing economies of the Western world and nowadays, the „Asian Tigers.‟ The discovery of petroleum in large quantities, for instance, on the Nigerian soil in 1958 is a natural blessing, which ought to have changed the nation‟s economic situation for the better, but for lack of foresight by successive leaderships.

At the moment, over 90 per cent of the national budget is tied to revenue generated through sales of crude oil. What this means is that Nigeria cannot make policy decisions that may injure or offend countries that buy her crude oil. If for reasons beyond her control she has to take injurious decisions affecting such countries, the aftermath will be a devastating economic crunch, which could cause serious threat to national peace and stability at home.

4.                    Historical Perspective:

(a)                  Affiliations:

Like  any  other  nation  in  the  world,  Nigeria‟s  foreign  policy  has  a  base  in  her  historical affiliations and experiences. First, it is clear that many of the countries in the West African sub-region had similar experiences. For instance, all the British West African countries of Nigeria, Ghana, Sierra Leone and the Gambia emerged as independent nations after years of foreign rule. Incidentally, all of them had been colonised by the same colonial master, Great Britain; therefore, they had gone through similar treatments and experiences in the hands of one and the same colonial authority.

As aptly documented by [Price, 1975] in Political Institutions of West Africa, each and all of the four countries had a similar “pattern of evolution from Crown Colony status;” that is, they were common  property of  the  king  of  England,  administered  as  extensions  of  Britain  on  African  soil  by officials of the British Government.

As a result, the affinity created by similar colonial experiences had a pull on the subsisting subsequent relationships between the African countries, when they eventually became independent in quick succession in the late 50s and early 60s.

(b)                 Nationalism:

Before the advent of independence from the colonial masters, certain things had happened to serve as gravitational pulls for many of the West African countries. Many of those who subsequently became national leaders in the West African sub-region had met in foreign countries where they studied. According to Price,2 “the long time dream (of the Africans) was a self-governing federation of all British West African territories, a dream which faded when they realised the consequences of the fact that Nigeria was much more populous than the rest of British West Africa put together.”

Price highlighted that “Nigeria would not join a federation in which her voice was not (to be) proportionate to her size; the other territories would not join a federation in which Nigeria would have a permanent majority.” This clearly was the beginning of nationalism of “individual countries” of the West African sub-region and, indeed, all African countries.

However, before the formation of sub-continental bodies, there were two „power blocs; the Casablanca bloc and the Monrovia bloc. The two blocs were perceived to be representing different ideologies. The Casablanca Group, which had Ghana as its arrow head, was noted for radical approach to issues; while the Monrovia Group led by Nigeria, was known to be conservative in its approach to issues.

The two blocs operated along their „leftist‟ and „rightist‟ approaches until the formation of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) in 1963. Countries in the Casablanca group included Mali, Guinea and so on while the Monrovia group had Nigeria, Sierra Leone, the Gambia to name a few. It is to be noted, as recorded by Price3 that “even when the groups had disbanded, attitudes remained generally the same as voting on issues in the OAU [now African Union (AU)]; reflected former bloc convictions and actions.”

Happenings following the termination of the 2nd World War in 1945, thereafter, fanned the embers of nationalism, particularly among the nations of British West Africa. Thousands of able- bodied, young men from Nigeria, Gold Coast (now Ghana), Sierra Leone, The Gambia and Liberia were recruited to fight on the side of the Allied Forces, of which their colonial master, Britain, was one.

The young Africans, as soldiers, were mobilised to fight in East Africa, North Africa and South- East Asia. During training and subsequent war actions, the soldiers were taught that they were fighting for freedom and that good and comfortable resettlement awaited them whenever they returned to their respective countries at the end of the war. Moreover, fighting men in Asia were exposed to information through pamphlets circulated among them. The pamphlets, however, contained what demobilised British troops would get; and since the West African soldiers believed they qualified for the same entitlements, “they had high expectations only to be demobilised and abandoned on return to base in their respective countries” (Price, 1975).

Of course, the United Nations Organisation which replaced the League of Nations shortly after the 2nd World War had made reference to the “Freedom of colonial peoples” in its Treaty. That alone also created “a mental climate favourable to ideas of self-determination among West Africans of the era.” The similarity of treatment under the colonialists engendered the series of constitutional developments which eventually led to the attainment of independence by many West African countries between 1957 and 1965.4

In summary, this shows that the commonality and similarity of experience in political, social and economic development of West African countries served as a binding force, which subsequently informed their foreign policy outlooks even after independence.




In the beginning …

Since 1960 when Nigeria got her political independence from the British colonial masters, notable about her diplomatic attitude has been the making of the African continent her focus, especially in the areas of enthronement of democracy and peace.

This philosophy is derived from the fact of an African adage, which says that when tears fall from the eyes, the nose responds by sneezing. Literally speaking, apart from the philosophy of the „brother‟s keeper‟ which Nigeria has created for herself, it should also be noted that when any of her neighbouring countries, especially in the West African sub-region, has crisis, the Nigerian economy and political landscape are equally affected.

Instances of this can be found in the era of Ghanas economic down-turn in 1980s and within 10 years, the civil conflicts in Liberia and Sierra Leone; which resulted in the influx of a large number of refugees into Nigeria.

These, therefore, induced Nigeria‟s foreign policy formulators to see the need, not only to be steadfastly involved in policies aimed at maintaining peace and tranquility on the African continent in general, but in the West African sub-region in particular.

Geographical perspective of the Nigerian foreign policy:

Historically, (, 2007) the nation is known as the Federal Republic of Nigeria. Located in West Africa, Nigeria is reputed for being the most populous country on the continent. Nigeria shares common land borders with the Republic of Benin at the west, Chad and Cameroon at the east, Niger at the north, and the Atlantic Ocean and the Gulf of Guinea, at the south.

Since December 12, 1991, her capital has been the centrally located city of Abuja. Hitherto, the Federal capital was the city of Lagos.5

With estimated 150 million population, Nigeria returned to democratic rule in 1999 after a 33-year military intrusion. From 1966 to 1999, Nigeria was ruled [except for the brief Second Republic which lasted between 1979 and 1983] by the military who seized power in coups d'état and counter-coups.

According to Okochi (1990), on accomplishing political independence Nigeria made the emancipation and renewal of the African dignity the centre-piece of her foreign policy, thus deciding to play a foremost role in the fight against apartheid in South Africa; Nigeria's foreign policy was tested in the 1970s after the country had emerged united, following a civil war which raged from 1967 to 1970.6

A founding member of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU); now the African Union (AU), Nigeria has tremendous influence in West Africa and Africa as a whole, and as such had previously pioneered several regional co-operative efforts on the continent, while simultaneously functioning as a standard-bearer of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and ECOWAS Monitoring Group (ECOMOG).


Background of MFA in Nigeria:

A discussion of the current state of Nigerian foreign policy will not be complete without a brief appraisal of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs under the immediate former dispensation, led by Chief Ojo Maduekwe, and the two Ministers of State, namely Alhaji Tijjani Kaura and Ambassador Bagudu Hirse. But, with the March 17, 2010 dissolution of the Federal Executive Council FEC by acting president Goodluck Jonathan, Mr. Odein Ajumogobia became the incumbent.


Five decades of foreign ministration:

In 1960, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs was known as the Ministry of External Affairs and was established officially in September 1957 as an External Affairs Division of the Office of the then Prime Minister, Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, with the first Minister in-charge being Dr. Jaja A. Wachukwu.

Like any other government institutions, the ministry was created and charged with the statutory responsibilities of formulation, articulation and implementation of Nigeria‟s foreign policy and management of external relations.

Its functions focused on 14-basic points, encompassing the conduct of Nigeria‟s foreign policy and international relations; representation of Nigeria in foreign countries by way of High Commissions, Embassies and Consulates; Consular Matters including the protection of interests of Nigerians abroad; maintaining relationships with diplomatic corps and co-ordination of international conferences in the country as well as ensuring representation of Nigeria at international organisations such as the United Nations, ECOWAS, World Trade Organisation (WTO), the Commonwealth and the AU, to name a few.

Additionally, the ministry is charged with the responsibility of making certain pilgrimage arrangements for the citizens; executing Technical Assistance (TA) programmes or agreements with foreign countries, facilitating the repatriation of destitute Nigerians; issuance of diplomatic passports, travel certificates, merchant navy and seamen identity cards in foreign missions for the citizenry.7

The Ministry, above all, has its mission as;

“Dedicated to the vigorous pursuit of the vital national interests of the Federal Republic of Nigeria and the promotion of African integration and unity, international co-operation for the consolidation of global peace, security, a just world economic order and democratic values, through the execution of statutory duties as it concerns Nigeria‟s foreign policy objectives for the benefit of Nigeria and her citizens, by building the capacity to be a major role player in world affairs, and earning the respect of the people of Africa, and the larger international community.”

Similarly, the Ministry‟s vision statement implies that it has to build an efficient knowledge- based foreign bureau which should be technology driven in service delivery while pursuing Nigerias foreign policy goals and objectives.

At its headquarters in Abuja, the Ministry has a structure consisting of the minister (s) [purely political appointees who represent the organisation at the Federal Executive Council]. It has a leading minister who reports directly to the President with some assistants as Minister (s) of state, which, in this case are two as earlier mentioned.8


50 Years After Independence:

In  the  past  50  years  of  Nigerias  independence,  the  nation  has  maintained  her  foreign policy. Although, the approach depends largely on the government of the day, based on the circumstances of the time and style of leaderships; the substance is usually rooted in set objectives revolving around those principles which the nation had always held as her priorities in the conduct of foreign relations.

According  to  the  Ministry  of  Foreign  Affairs  (MAF),  Nigerias  foreign  policy  witnessed unreserved influence guided by a commitment of five principles as her own basic foreign policy objectives which comprise the placing of priorities on safeguarding national security through enhanced extra-territorial strategic arrangement, economic prosperity, defence of national honour, as well as maintenance of peace and security.

Second  in  the  line-up  of  principles  was  Nigerias  commitment  to  the  concept  of  legal equality of all States, irrespective of their sizes or capability.

The third principle is of “non-interference in the internal or domestic affairs of other nation states,” (MFA, 3-23-08)  while the fourth dwells on influences that guide Nigeria‟s  foreign policy with   complete   loyalty to multi-lateral diplomacy as demonstrated by Nigeria‟s vigorous involvement in various international organisations among others.

As such, Nigeria prides herself as a “member of the United Nations Organisation (UNO), African Union (AU), Organisation of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC), African Petroleum Producers Association (APPA), Organisation of Islamic Countries (OIC) and ECOWAS,” (MFA March 19, 2007). Nigeria has a relative influence in all these international organisations as expected of a full sovereign nation.

The bottom-line is that Nigeria‟s foreign policy is known to be a dedication to Africa and Pan-Africanism and it is on this premise that successive Nigerian governments have encouraged the unity of all African states, focusing the total political, economic, social and cultural liberation of Africa and Africans within and in the diaspora.

Therefore, it is apt to state that Nigeria, through the MFA, has achieved much in the areas of keeping the entity together, by way of contributing its quota to regional peace and maintaining its sovereign responsibilities to date.

As part of efforts to elevate Nigeria‟s position in the comity of nations, the Maduekwe-led MAF inaugurated the Foreign Ministers Forum on Friday, April 4, 2008 in Abuja. This, the ministry explained, includes “former and current Foreign Affairs Ministers and is planned to serve as an informal advisory body on Nigerias foreign policy and international relations. It is also intended to enhance the institutional memory of the foreign policy establishment.” (Olukanni – Nigerian MFA – Accessed June 2008).9

In his address to herald the events that marked five decades of Nigerian foreign service, Maduekwe traced succinctly the origin of the Ministry to having been established in September 1957 as an External Affairs Division of the Office of the Prime Minister, adding that it is, indeed, auspicious after half a century for the Ministry to celebrate its achievements, reflect on its past, and rededicate itself to the tasks ahead.

Series of event, beginning with the press briefing and the opening of an exhibition of works of arts, were some of the activities lined up to mark the occasion. The exhibition comprised a pictorial presentation, depicting the activities of the Ministry from its early years to the present, including the work of its parastatals. (Nigerian MFA, Accessed June 2008).

However, dwelling on the theme of the celebration: “The Nigerian Foreign Service: Fifty Years of Serving the Nation at Home and Abroad,” Maduekwe noted that such services had been rendered in the past through Nigerian embassies, high commissions, permanent missions and distinguished roles of diplomats in international organisations. He stressed that it is through such international bodies as the United Nations, African Union, the ECOWAS, the Commonwealth and so on that Nigeria‟s enduring interests have been promoted and defended over the years.10

“Specifically, we must mention the leadership role that Nigeria has continued to play in the West African sub-region, Africa and in the developing world,” he asserted, emphasising that Nigeria‟s role in the de-colonisation struggle in Southern Africa remains a landmark. Such other initiatives as the New Partnership for Africa‟s Development (NEPAD) and its Peer Review Mechanism, the African Union and its predecessor, the Organisation of African Unity (OAU). The external debt and other challenges facing the developing world beyond the specific concerns of Africa have been largely successful because Nigeria provided the critical leadership needed at all times.” (Maduekwe – Accessed June 2008)

The Nigerian Institute of International Affairs (NIIA), Lagos, as a credible policy think-tank of the nation, was elevated to a parastatal of the Ministry, without forgetting the roles of Nigeria in UN and other peace-keeping operations. Such was the record that Nigeria has been the chairman of the Special Political Committee (C34) which oversees UN peace-keeping operations in different parts of the world. Indeed, Nigeria was in February 2010, re-elected into this Committee.

In his words: “Of course, our role in ECOMOG and peace-keeping, peace-building and resolution in our sub-region also needs no telling. In all these areas, in co-operation with the gallant officers and men of the Nigerian Armed Forces, the Ministry, our past and present Foreign Ministers, Missions abroad, Ambassadors and diplomats have played very important roles. And of course, they continue to do so. Nigeria‟s peace-keeping experiences led to the establishment of the Institute for Peace and Conflict Resolution (IPCR) in Abuja.” (Maduekwe – Accessed June 2008)

On the Technical Aid Corps Scheme (TAC), for instance, the Minister pointed out that the creation  of  the  scheme  in  1987  was  a  major  initiative  of  the  Ministry,  to  coordinate  Nigerias technical assistance to developing countries in Africa, the Pacific and the Caribbean - known as the APC countries.11


Citizen Diplomacy:

Notably from inception, the Nigerian foreign service and the Ministry have been reputed for providing consular services to Nigerians abroad, promoting their welfare and rendering assistance to those in need, including facilitating links and communications with next of kin at home in Nigeria where relevant.

In line with the aforementioned, Maduekwe said, these services include issuance of passports, other travel documents, visas, authentication of documents “and since this administration came into office, the welfare of Nigerians at home and abroad has now been given greater emphasis through the policy of „Citizen Diplomacy.‟“

Explaining that Citizen Diplomacy as a foreign policy thrust is aimed at re-branding Nigerias foreign policy under which the Ministry and Missions abroad are totally committed to the welfare and rights of Nigerians at home and abroad, as well as becoming fully-grown development as a robust policy thrust in half a century.

Even where Nigerian nationals are alleged to have infringed on the laws of their countries of residence, the ministry ensures that they are still entitled to get what is referred to as “the international minimum standard of treatment.”12

In this regard, the Ministry is directly involved in:

i.                         “Bilateral discussions and negotiations;

ii.                         Negotiation, conclusion and implementation of international treaties, bilateral and multilateral agreements;

iii.                         Helping to organize and co-ordinate international meetings and conferences in Nigeria;

iv.                         Support of government programmes of attracting Foreign Direct Investment;

v.                         Trade promotion – sourcing for markets for Nigerian products abroad, especially in the non-oil sectors;

vi.                         Promoting the image of Nigeria in co-operation with other Ministries and agencies of Government, including the promotion of Nigerian culture and dissemination of information on Nigeria;

vii.                         Promoting the interests and welfare of Nigerian students abroad, including assistance in remittance of fees and other education support services;

viii.                         Co-ordinating Christians and Muslim Pilgrimage activities in co-operation with the State Governments and other agencies and arms of government and ensuring their welfare in the Holy Lands.”


The Presidency: Bedrock of foreign policy decisions

In Nigeria, the fact is that several high-level decisions are taken at different centres and locations despite the existence of certain structures like ministries in-charge of core issues at stake. Foreign policy decisions do not elude the Presidency, the centre of government in Nigeria; be it military or civilian administration.

Alluding to this fact, Olusanya et al (1990) stated that, owing to the expansion in foreign policy conducts invariably facilitated by the proliferation of issues and the emergence of new ones, issues which would have imperatively required both bilateral and multilateral international engagements in finding the root or cure have been resolved without stress.

Elucidating this, Olusanya et al, noted that in planning the Nigerian Constitution, in 1979 and 1989, the government of the day did not see any limitation to foreign policy making, and did not limit itself to just political and diplomatic relations between the country and the rest of the world. But rather, it saw foreign policy “as the totality of transactions – economic, trade, cultural, financial, political and diplomatic ….” (Asobie, 1990, p.5).

This position, therefore, makes it possible, for instance, for the Ministry of Trade which handles external trade for the country to become an integral part of the foreign policy. Crude oil sales undertaken on behalf of the government by the Ministry of Petroleum Resources is a major element in Nigeria‟s international business transactions, similarly makes the Ministry‟s activities a major factor in foreign policy decisions.


Hub of foreign policy in Nigeria:

Concluding this chapter with the postulation that the Presidency, especially in Nigeria, is the bedrock of foreign policy decision-making, therefore, may be in order, especially considering some uniqueness about the various governments at different periods of governance in Nigeria since independence.

These indicated that some were during the Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewas regime; who became the first Prime Minister in 1957, while his actual leadership role commenced three years later, when Nigeria attained independence. Given that Nigeria practised a parliamentary system  at that time, all members of the government were parliamentarians, hence, the Prime Minister being  the  real  head  of  government  then,  was  making  foreign  policy  decisions  on  the  nations behalf.13

Balewa‟s government assembled the first crop of Nigerians to rule the  country,  and his administration formulated what is known today as the focus of Nigerian foreign policy, which has the African continent as its cornerstone.

For that reason, according to (Inamete 2001), Balewa‟s administration has been largely portrayed as moderate, calm, placating attitudes embodied in his relationship with other political leaders in formulation of foreign policies alongside his cabinet crew.

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