TABLE OF CONTENTS
to the Study
Statement of the Problem
1.3 Objectives of the Study
1.4 Research Hypotheses
of the Study
1.6 Scope and
Limitation of the Study
1.7 Operationalization of Terms
2.1 Non-Violent Revolution
and Nature of Democratic Changes in Egypt
2.3 Process of Democratic Changes in Egypt
2.4 Causes of Democratic Changes in Egypt
2.5 Corruption in government election
2.6 Egyptian Revolution and Post-Economic
2.7 Democracy and Parliamentary Election
2.8 Impact of Military Intervention on Egypt
2.9 Contemporary Issues in Post Mubarak Egyptian
2.10. Roles of Islamic Forces in Ensuring Democratic
Changes in Egypt
2.10.1 Radical Islamists
2.10.2 Moderate Islamists
Pressure from the External Islamic Context
2.11 Governance Post Revolution: 'The Political
2.12 Overview of Egypt under Hosni Mubarak
2.13 Unrest and Terror Under Mubarak
Political Conflict School
2.17 Empirical Review
2.18 Gaps in Knowledge
3.1 Research Design
3.2 Area of
of Data Collection
3.5 Reliability of Data
3.6 Method of Data Analysis
4.2 How Democratic Change Improved the Standard of
Living of Egyptian Peoples
4.3 How Military Contributed Democratic Change in
4.4 Summary of findings
5.1 The Change Brought Political Stability in Egypt
5.2 Democratic change and increase in wages and
standard of living of Egyptians
5.3 The Islamic Group Brought about Democratic
Change in Egypt
CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATION
1.1 Background to the Study
The history of the 20th century is full
of examples that demonstrate that violence resistance against unjust power
systems, dictators or external occupation is likely to generate further
violence as was seen for example, in the Russian and Chinese revolutions and
decolonization wars in Africa and Asia (Alexander, 2010). But it has also been
characterized by many powerful nonviolent struggles; some of these are widely
known e.g. the Gandhian freedom struggles in lndia, Martin Luther king Jr’s
civil rights campaigns in the United
States among others. Although the power of
nonviolent resistance does seem weak and inefficient in the face of accent
power asymmetries, it has proven to be a very strategic tool in the hand of marginalized
communities to redress structural imbalances and claim right of justice and self-determination(
the events that began in the beginning of 2011 in the Arab world were
unprecedented in history. In the words of Oviasogie (2012) there was mass
public protest that swept through the region with attendant effect for the
The demonstration sent away long serving
presidents out of their countries who prior to then saw themselves as manifest
destinies or God ordained right to rule. The government and regimes in the
regions prior to Arab spring were a salad of autocrats that viewed any other
centre as competition. Persistence was the hall mark of the regimes. For
instance, the Al-sand governed Saudi
Arabia since 1932, Sultan Assad family
reigned in Syria
since 1970, and Qaddati ruled Libya
since 1969, Mubarak since 1981 and Ali Abdullah Sallah ruled in Yemen Arab republic
in 1978 and again as the President of Unified Yemen in 1990 to mention just a
few cases of longevity (Sorenson, 2010 Anderson, 2009). These mighty men kept
their regimes by embracing patron age, the violation of human right, repression
by state security agents among other mediums. The Arab spring according to Maogoto
and Coleman (2011) is an example of the pitfall of centralism.
In Egypt, the
story was not different, Egypt
before the Arab spring was in a deep multi-dimensional crisis (Shorbagy, 2009),
the nature of democratic practices in Egypt had assumed diverse dimensions.
The constitution of modern Egypt
has always given the president virtual monopoly over the decision making
process, devoting thirty 30 articles 15% to Presidential prerogatives. Bassem
(2012) viewed number of republic embracing Arab socialism such as Syria and Egypt regularly
hold elections and these are not fully multiparty system. Most importantly they
do not allow citizens to choose between lots of different candidates for
presidential elections in addition to corrupt practice with the elections.
These are the nature of messed democratic practice in Egypt until
2011 when Egyptian decided to take the bull by the horn by engaging in
non-violent revolution aimed at getting Hosni mubarak out of office.
In spite the legitimate and moral demands of
Egyptian protesters, they resolved not to be satisfied until justice had become
the yardstick in enthroning democratic values and changes in Egypt. Prior to
the above scenario, Mubarak had before been reelected by majority votes in a
referendum for successive terms on four occasions in 1987, 1993, 1999, and
2005. The referendum in itself and its results are questionable. No one could
run against the president due to a restriction in the Egyptian constitution in which
the People’s Assembly played the main role in electing the president.
increased domestic and international pressure for democratic reform in Egypt, Mubarak
asked the Parliament on 26 February 2005 to amend
the constitution to allow multi-candidate presidential election by September
2005. Previously, Mubarak got his position by having himself nominated by
parliament, then confirmed without opposition in a referendum, but electoral
institutions and security apparatus remain under the control of the president.
After Mubarrak’s re-election in 2005,
several political groups both in the left and right announced their sharp
opposition to the inheritance power. These political groups were some of the
major opposition parties that filled candidates to compete with Mubarrak in the
2005 Presidential election. These are New Wafd Party, Tomorrow Party,
Solidarity Party, Democratic Union Party, Umma Party, National Conciliation Party,
Egypt 2000 Party, Constitution Party and Egyptian Arab Socialist Party. Sharp
(2005) noted that the election which was scheduled for 7th September, 2005 involved mass rigging
activities. Notably, before 2011, Egyptians especially Muslim Brotherhood has
been nursing the anger of the 2005 rigged presidential elections. The worsening
part of it is the banning of Muslim brotherhood from contesting any election in
The Muslim brotherhood is considered the largest Islamic group in Egypt. Sharp
(2005) maintained that Egypt’s largest Islamic group, the Muslim brotherhood
was not permitted to stand candidates for 2005 elections because the organization
was banned by government which prohibits political parties with stated
religions agenda from contesting election.
Egyptian presidential election held in 7 September 2005 was largely rigged in favour of Hosni Mubarrak.
The Egyptians were nursing the anger before being moved to engage in non-violent
protest movement with the successful ousting of President Ben. Ali of Tunisia
by Tunisia protesters. Added to the issue of electoral rigging were the issue
of deep political, economic and social problems and the absence of reform in
the name of consolidating power and authority.
The protest by Egyptians over these abnormities
signifies giant strides in the history
It awakened the civil societies that had been dormant for a long period of time
and signaled the birth of political consciousness and to this effect, this
study aims at examining the non-violent revolution in Egypt and the
attendant democratic changes in Africa.
1.2 Statement of the Problem
governance envisages that those in the commanding heights of the economy like
our leaders must strive to ensure that those essential life needs must be made
available to the peoples. This is not so with the people of Egypt, rather what
we see are human societies wearing community features manifested in corruption,
bad road difficulty in transportation, lack of good drinking water, rigged
election, power failures, unemployment, poor health facilities, general
poverty, inadequate accommodation among others.
The fundamental question, is how could a
regime change be ensured thereby bringing an end to this autocratic and
oppressive regime. Basically two schools of thought emerged with different
views on how to ensure regime changes, the Realistic school and the Strategic
school of thought. The Realistic school argued that the best way to bring about
change to an autocratic regime is through violent revolution. Scholars
attributed to this view are Rogan (2011), Dankiract (1990), Nwabueze (1993). To
this group of scholars, the autocrat wilds a lot power and the only way to oust
him from office will be through violent revolution. On the other side of this
ideological divide, the Strategic school of thought is of the view that the
best way to ensure a regime change in an autocratic dispensation is through
non-violent revolution. Contributions of non-violent scholars such as Arthur
Romano (2011), Greene sharp (1973), Greene sharp (2005), Greene sharp (2011)
Hand Judith (2010), Henry David Thoreau (1848), Luther King Jr(1967) among
others have confirmed that non-violent demonstration remains the only way of
making government change its policies when citizens feel unhealthy over such
policies. These scholars foresaw a time when non-violent revolution would be
geared towards a regime change entirely as was the case in Egypt.
Generally, it is notable that, Egypt during the reign of Hosni Mubarrak was
characterized with poor national economic performance, high level of
corruption, joblessness, rising cost of food, regime misbehaviours and a lost
of faith in the electoral system (Sorenson and Mazo 2011). This precipitated
the non-violent revolution aimed at bringing about democratic change in Egypt. Notably,
the Egyptian revolution was not of authoritarianism or repression, it was that
of the problem of personalization of power. In other words, the revolution in Egypt had
political, moral and economic causations as such it was a moral, political and
economic one. Moral in the sense that it fought against corruption, political
as in the quest for political freedom, the rule of law and respect for human
rights and Economic freedom in that the citizens want to have a stake in the
wealth and resources of the country and also have the poverty level reduced. It
was a revolution of rising expectations, the quest for a better life, respect
for human rights, reforms, political change, sovereignty and economic independence
from indigenous colonial lords. It was a struggle for political transformation
in the term that encapsulates the desires of the people. Generally, the
protests were motivated or fueled by the quest for democratization and expanded
citizen’s participation in politics. It is against this backdrop that this
study examines the extent to which this non-violent revolution has brought
about democratic changes in Egypt.
of the study is therefore articulated in the following research questions.
i. To what extent has the Egyptian
non-violent revolution brought about democratic change in Egypt?
ii. Has the democratic change enhanced
the standard of living of the people of Egypt?
iii. How have the activities of the
elites, the military and Islamic forces, against Hosni Mubarak contributed in
ensuring democratic change in Egypt?
1.3 Objectives of the Study
broad objective of this study is to examine how non-violent revolution by the
people of Egypt
contributed in achieving democratic changes in Egypt. The specific objectives are;
i. To examine the extent to which the Egyptian non-violent
revolution brought about democratic changes in Egypt.
ii. To ascertain if the democratic changes enhanced the
standard of living of people of Egypt.
iii. To determine how the activities of the elites, the
military and Islamic forces against Hosni Mubarak contributed in ensuring
democratic changes in Egypt.
The following hypotheses were posited to guide the study
i. The Egyptian non-violent revolution
has brought about democratic change in Egypt.
ii. The democratic changes have
fundamentally enhanced standards of living of the people of Egypt.
iii. The activities of elites, military
and Islamic forces against Hosni Mubarak contributed essentially in ensuring
democratic changes in Egypt.
1.5 Significance of the Study
The study has both theoretical and empirical significances.
Theoretically, the study contributes to the literature on revolution. It will
open new vista of knowledge on the subject, thus providing concerned
stakeholders opportunity of understanding the causal factors of revolution, the
establishment of an autocratic regime and mechanism despots use to entrench
themselves in power.
the study brings out the role of the civil societies in a successful
non-violent revolution and seeks to enumerate elements that help in
understanding that a democratic dispensation could be established. This is
significant in the sense that it brings to bare factors that pull toward a
protest or revolution within a country of study. Also the study is significant
in that it attempts to proffer solutions towards solving the problem of
autocratic rule through a vibrant civil societies thereby leading to mass
participation in politics.
1.6 Scope and Limitation of the Study
The study concentrates on non-violent
revolution as a means of democratic change in Africa
with particular focus on Egypt.
The study covers the period of 2011 which was the period that witnessed the
non-violent revolution by Egyptians against the dictatorial rule of Hosni Mubarak.
research was constrained by lack of relevant editions at materials of the
subject matter, also official secrecy of information which are empirically,
scientifically and analytically valuable to the research was a source of
Time was also another constraint since academic work of this nature is
academic endeavour such as this characterized by utmost magnitude and
significance, words or groups of words are always borrowed to assist in the
achievement of stated objectives. In order to properly situation the research
in right perspective, it is indeed very important that words used in this
research are explained. There are:
Non-violent: It means being peaceful,
i.e. devoid of harm, clashes, wounds and the likes.
Revolution:- It means an uprising aimed
at enthroning new pattern of governance in government.
Democratic:- The state of government
being determined by majority.
Change:- Alter the pattern before now or
shift from existing pattern to a new method.