ABSTRACT
This is a study that examines Nigeria's role as a leader in Africa when it
comes to international relations it took a critical view of its role as the
authentic leader since 1975 with special reference to OAU where Nigeria
initially despite colossal funding played a less leading role.
Here is a study which overviewed Nigeria's
role since its wake from slumber in the 70s by accepting a frontline position
in establishing West African Economic Commission (ECOWAS).
An appraisal of Nigeria's relationship
internationally, the global response, the travails and victories.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
PAGES
Title of page i
Certification ii
Dedication iii
Acknowledgements iv
Abstract v
Table of Contents vi
CHAPTER ONE:
Introduction 1
Research Methodology 3
Synopsis 4
Literature Review 5
Notes and References 9
CHAPTER TWO
The Genesis of Nigeria’s Leadership 10
Role in African Relations 19
Notes
and References 26
CHAPTER THREE
The Benefits or Gains of Nigeria’s
Leadership 28
Role in African Relations 32
Notes and References 38
CHAPTER FOUR
The Attitude of African Countries
towards Nigeria’s Leadership 40
Role in Inter-African Relations 43
End Notes 45
CHAPTER FIVE Conclusions,
Prospects, Problems and Recommendations
Conclusions 46
Prospects 47
Problems 50
Recommendations 52
Notes and References 54
Bibliography 56
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
Nigeria was granted independence by Britain
on. October 1, 1960 before then, she had been under British tutelage for
virtually a century.
After independence, Nigeria was still linked to Britain and the West economically,
politically as well as culturally. At independence, it seemed that Nigerian
leaders showed no desire to break these historical ties and identity more with
African countries, or to establish links with Socialist States. Consequently,
the mass media and the politician exhibited sentimental attachment to the West,
and looked up to Britain and
the West generally, for, direction in-the formulation of Nigeria's foreign policy.
It is thus clear that it was during Gowon
administration that African assumed the focus of Nigeria's foreign policy. As a
result of this new policy stance, African received greater attention
henceforth. In view of this, Gowon developed closer relationship with .his
counterparts in the continent. There was also notable increase in the amount of
financial and technical assistance Nigeria gave to other African
states. Among the thrusts of this essay, is Nigeria's
greater involvement in the liberation struggle especially in Southern
Africa.
The civil war did not radically change
but rather strengthened the country's African
policy as enunciated by the Tafawa Abubakar's regime, the OAU's support to Nigeria during the war intensified Nigeria’s
interest in OAU, Mr. Harold Wilson used the OAU's principles several times to justify
his government's support for the Federal Government of Nigeria. At the same
time, the stand of the OAU was expressed on several occasions regarding the
Civil War as an internal affair. This has led to stronger commitment from Nigeria
to the building of a virile OAU. For
instance, in 1970-1, the Nigeria
government increased its contribution to the OAU budget to 150,000 Pounds. This
equals to the 47% over its 1968-9 contribution.
Nigeria's radical commitment to the
eradication of colonialism and imperialism from Africa assumed new proportions
as a result of the support, given by South Africa to UNITA rebels during
the Angolan crisis. After 1968, Nigerian government has been providing
assistance to the various revolutionary groups of Southern
Africa. This new move was borne out of the allegations that the
funds meant for the OAU liberation Committee were alleged to have been used by
the Tanzania government to back up the secessionists. As a result of this
confidence, the idea of using Nigerian troops against the white minority of South Africa
to gain acceptance especially among the decision makers. For instance, in March
1970, Chief Enahoro said in a press conference that the solution to the racial problems
in Southern Africa would mainly involve the commitment of development of some of
our resources and that in such task Nigeria has to play a prominent
role.
The civil was lesson explain that the
security and freedom of the country depend on the security, stability and
freedom of her neighbours. There was then the suggestion of this novel idea
creating a sub-regional economic community which will comprise of Nigeria
and her neighbours. Nigeria believes that as long as neighbouring
countries remained financially dependent of France,
they could easily be manipulated against Nigeria's stability.
The regimes before the civil war played
less formidable and forceful role in Africa affairs
compared to the activities of regimes during and after the war. Nigeria
especially in the immediate years after independence played less of a leading
role within the African continent.
This is connected to. 'the state of Nigeria's
economy as at then. In 1963, the population of Nigeria
was about 22% of that of the whole Africa, and then, there was the belief that
she should lead Africa. This hope was dashed
as all attempts to choose Lagos
as the headquarters of the OAU proved abortive. Also, when a new Secretary-General
was to be elected, Nigeria
proposed a Camerounian Minister, Mr. Nzo Ekjangaki, and it was he who got the
job. Thus within nine years, Nigeria
moved from a position of vying for the OAU crown for herself to one of kingmakers.
Political instability also
characterized the regime of Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa's First Republic. He had to contend with
internal politics, this consequently to Africa,
and foreign policy in general, For instance early in 1962, Sir Abubakar had to cancel
his proposed visits to some Africa countries because of internal political
unrest.
RESEARCH
METHODOLOGY
The research methodology was majorly
library research. Much of the study involved an extensive literature on Nigeria and her leadership role in Africa. This reading certainly sharpened our theoretical
focus and understanding of Nigeria's
role inter-African relations. In this regards, the library research focused mainly
on secondary sources of information. These include books, articles in journals,
newspaper, seminar papers both published and unpublished.
To some extent, primary sources of
information were used. They are interviews, questionnaires and field works.
Efforts to get lots of these primary sources of information proved relatively
difficult. This was as a result of financial limitation which made traveling
difficult. The unwillingness by most of the policy makers to grant interview,
also limited the strength of my primary sources of information.
In spite of the foregoing, there is
still a sound possibility of making enlightened propositions based on the
existing facts and information form the library.
SYNOPSIS
CHAPTER ONE: Introduction
CHAPTER TWO: The Genesis of Nigeria's
Leadership Role in African Relations.
CHAPTER THREE: The Benefits or Gains of Nigeria's Leadership Role in African
Relations.
CHAPTER FOUR: The attitude of African countries towards Nigeria's Leadership Role in Inter African
Relations.
CHAPTER FIVE: Conclusion
LITERATURE REVIEW
Though an extensive body of literature
exists on Nigerian foreign policy, yet little has been written on Nigeria's
leadership role in inter-African relations since 1975. This study fills this
gap.
In his "Nigeria's
Role in Inter-African Relations with special references to OAU", Olajide Aluko
argues that, although Nigeria
contributed substantially to the founding of OAU; the country played "less
of a leading role within the organization despite the size and economic
potential of the country" This could not be unconnected with the internal
crisis that rocked the country during the early years of Nigeria's independence.
On economic co-operation, from 1970, Nigeria
took a frontline position in the bid to establish a West African Economic
Community. She negotiated more favourable trade terms with Europe
and extended financial aid to other African states. Aluko identified the
principal factors accounting for these changes as the increased economic and
military strength of Nigeria;
experiences gained during the Nigeria
civil war, especially the perception of inter-state alignment in the African
and the world; and the greater appreciation of the positive role that the OAU
might play in African affairs.
According to Joseph Wayas on Nigeria's leadership role in Africa from the
time of independence to the early 1970s, that is from the civilian
administration of Abubakar through the military regime of Yakubu Gowon Nigeria did not play an enviable role in Africa.
Omotayo Olaniyan, while examining Nigeria's
role in ECOWAS, stated that role- could be best understood in the context of
the country's attempt to overcome internal underdevelopment , He argue further
that while Nigeria was one of the leading actors in the establishment and early
development of ECOWAS, it has also taken steps which have done remarkable
damage to the spirit of integration in the subregion. He concluded by urging
Nigerian political leaders to play a
more active role in ECOWAS and take a less narrow and short-term view of Nigeria's
problems.
Fafowora, O.O., in his article, “Nigeria in the African setting” opined that the evolution
of Nigeria's
African policy in this period is a subject that has already received
considerable attention by scholars. .
According to him, there have been
several studies relating to Nigeria’s
relation to specific situation or events in Africa, but they are always
too-easily predisposed to evaluate Nigeria's African policy in
ideological terms. Nigeria's
sharp reaction at the common wealth and the severance of diplomatic relation
with France in 1963, as a
result of the atomic tests in Sahara pointed towards the African centredness of
Nigeria's
foreign policy.
He further argued that the outbreak of
civil war in Nigeria and the
subsequent threat to Nigeria's
national survival, compelled the nation to become more outward looking in its
African policy. The OAU eventually became a major theatre of operations for Nigeria's
policy objective which was clearly to secure the Organization's opposition to
the secessionist and the endorsement of the Federalist. In the end, it is clear
that the overwhelming support which the Federal government enjoyed among OAU
members was of crucial importance to its war efforts to ensure the survival of
nations.
The more this national role conception
part of-the political culture of a nation, the more likely they set limits on
perceived, politically feasible policy alternatives and the less likely that
idiosyncratic variables would be crucial in decision making.
According to Chief Fani-Kayode, while
contributing to a parliamentary debate on the necessity for increased defence
appropriation, asserted that "Nigeria
should be prepared to give Africa not only
political leadership but also military leadership.
According to Claude S. Philips "Nigeria
is after all potentially the greatest power in African from the stand point of
the elements of national politics use to determine a state's position in the
power struggle". The same nation has been seized upon and used over and
again by many, notable scholars like All Mazrus who on the occasion referred to
Nigeria in grandiose terms as country "on its way to becoming the first
major black power in modern international politics. To sum it up, from
independence to date, even in the psychology of the citizenry, there is that pervasive
implicit believe which has had expression through their leadership that Nigeria
is a "born leadership."
Oscar O.B. Ede, in his article titled
"Nigeria
and Francophone Africa". Asserted that Nigerian foreign makers and indeed
scholars sometimes disagree about the nature and implications of the leadership
role for Nigeria
in African politics. However, none of them denies that Nigerians see themselves
as defined to play a
leading-role in contemporary African
politics. As a matter of fact, Nigeria's
foreign policy pre-occupation has repeatedly been officially stated to be
afroncentric.
That is to say that Africa
has been proclaimed and generally accepted to be the Centerpiece of the country's
foreign policy.
In 1981, President Ronald Reagan wrote a letter to
President Shehu- Shagari after their inauguration into office as Presidents of
their respective states. He said, "I want you to know that, i view Nigeria as a leader among Africa nations which
share the US
desire for peace throughout the world. I am delighted to be entering office at a
time when US Nigeria relations are co-operative and cordial. This gave more
impetus to Nigeria's
leadership ambition in Africa.
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