ELECTORAL VIOLENCE AND POLITICAL APATHY IN KOLOKUMA/OPOKUMA L.G.A OF BAYELSA STATE
ABSTRACT
This study examined electoral violence and political apathy in Kolokuma/Opokuma L.G.A of Bayelsa State. The study focused on the; relationship between electoral violence and political apathy in Kolokuma/Opokuma L.G.A of Bayelsa State; causes of electoral violence in Kolokuma/Opokuma L.G.A; extent to which electoral violence affects the voters participation during in Kolokuma/Opokuma Local Government 2019 election; and level of turn out during election Kolokuma/Opokuma Local Government. A total of 100 questionnaires were administered to the respondents in collecting relevant data from the field using the simple random sampling technique. The research questions raised in this study were answered and the hypotheses formulated were tested accordingly. The result of the findings obtained from the analysis revealed that there is significant relationship between electoral violence and political apathy in Kolokuma/Opokuma Local Government Area of Bayelsa State. The study concluded that strategies directed towards the victims of electoral violence can also prevent violence from negatively affecting the attitudes towards democratic politics, a necessary condition for sustainable peace. The study recommended that political elite in both countries should be transparent, honest, responsible and responsive in order to encourage voter turnout in both countries at future national elections.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
TITLE PAGE - - - - - - - ii
DECLARATION - - - - - - - - iii
CERTIFICATION - - - - - - - - iv
DEDICATION - - - - - - - - v
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS - - - - - - vi
CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION
1.1 Background to the Study - - - - - 1
1.2 Statement of Problem - - - - - - 8
1.3 Objective of the Study - - - - - - 10
1.4 Research Questions- - - - - - - 11
1.5 Statement of the Hypothesis - - - - - 12
1.6 Significance of Study - - - - - - 13
1.7 Scope of the Study - - - - - - 14
1.8 Definition of Key Terms - - - - - 15
CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW
2.1 Introduction - - - - - - - - 18
2.2 Conceptual Framework - - - - - - 33
2.3 Theoretical Framework - - - - - - 45
2.4 Empirical Review - - - - - - - 50
CHAPTER THREE: RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
3.1 Research Design - - - - - - 56
3.2 Population of the Study - - - - - - 57
3.3 Sample Size - - - - - - - - 57
3.4Sampling Technique - - - - - - 58
3.5 Method of Data Collection - - - - - 58
3.6 Technique for Data Analysis - - - - - 59
3.7 Model Specification and Variable Definition - - 59
3.8 Measurement of Variables - - - - - 59
CHAPTER FOUR: PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS OF DATA
4.1 Presentation of Data - - - - - - 60
4.2 Discussion of Findings - - - - - - 79
CHAPTER FIVE: SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS
5.1 Summary - - - - - - - - 80
5.2 Conclusion - - - - - - - 80
5.3 Recommendations - - - - - - - 93
References - - - - - - - - 95
Appendix - - - - - - - - 98
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
Background to the Study
The historical trajectory of electoral process in the post colonial Nigeria is characterised by violence. Elections are held in nearly all countries in the contemporary world. Yet despite their aim of allowing for peaceful transfers of power, elections held outside of consolidated democracies are often accompanied by substantial violence (Adesola and Abimbola, 2014). In fact, recent manifestations of electoral violence, most importantly since the birth of the Fourth Republic in 1999 have assumed an unprecedented magnitude and changing form, resulting in instability in democratic consolidation as well as the loss and displacement of many innocent lives. It argues that the high incidence of electoral violence (pre and post) in the Fourth Republic in particular is closely associated with neo-patrimonial character of the Nigerian state, the nature and kind of party politics being played, the weak institutionalisation of democratic architectures and inefficient electoral management body among others. It posits that these were among the factors that led to the fall or collapse of the First and Second Republics (Adesola and Abimbola, 2014).
The electoral process in many of Nigeria’s ‘new’ democracies has been characterised by violence. However, recent manifestations of electoral violence have assumed an unprecedented magnitude and changing form and character, with negative implications for democratic stability and consolidation. Evans (2021) argues that rising electoral violence in Africa is closely connected with the neo-patrimonial character of the African state, the nature of contestation for power, the weak institutionalisation of democratic architectures, including political parties and electoral management bodies (EMBs), and the fascinating political economy of electoral violence. This is complicated by the absence/paucity of democrats, with democratic mindset, to play the game of politics according to established rules. Worse still, avenues for democratic redress, including the judiciary and civil society, are also deeply implicated in the deepening contradictions of the state. The result is the deinstitutionalisation of the people in the democratisation process. Electoral violence is thus a major source of democratic instability with palpable threats of deconsolidation (Dean, 2020).
Electoral violence is a sub-category of political violence, which deserves special consideration from the policy community. Indeed, electoral violence has received increasing international attention in recent years due to the devastating effects of outbreaks of violence in Nigeria around elections (Nweke and Eunice, 2020). The notion of violence-free elections is encapsulated in the term ‘free and fair’ elections, serving as a benchmark for determining the legitimacy of elections. Efforts by local and international actors include electoral assistance, peacekeeping and monitoring missions, civic and voter education. Yet, understanding of the consequences of specific strategies and how their returns can be maximised, remains limited.
According to Evans (2021), there is an obvious decline in political participation in both countries due to lack of trust in the electoral process, among others, which has largely undermined the interest of the electorate in the political systems of both countries. While most elections in Nigeria have been held in a peaceful environment in recent years, various acts of violence have been recorded. This violence, which is experienced by the populations, political actors, leaders, and the international community, takes root from the historical, political, and socio-economic parameters. Understanding these parameters would allow to take a proactive approach and prevent violence (Evans, 2021).
Dean (2015) opined that electoral violence is a variant of political violence. He however stated that, electoral violence can be distinguished from the political violence family through its particular objective. Indeed, it is aimed at influencing the behavior of the voters, candidates or distorting the results of the elections. For this purpose, it attempts to delay, prevent the vote or compilation of votes, in order to obtain results, which do not reflect the verdict of the ballot box. As observed, electoral violence can take place in any stage of the electoral process. It can happen before or on the polling day, as it was the case in the Nigeria elections in 2007. It can also break out just after the elections as in the 2015 presidential election in Nigeria (Evans, 2021).
Electoral violence is triggered during the electoral period, when the party in a strong or weak position finds that the other party is unilaterally setting the rules of the game for its own benefit. The most common trigger events are the following: registration in voters’ lists, establishment of the electoral administration, and electoral results. Electoral violence is expressed through the following actions: violation of the legal framework; offensive or indecent words; murders; injury between rival supporters; intimidation of opponents, voters, or electoral officials; ballot stuffing; exclusion of communities. Therefore the targets of acts of violence include: persons, either individuals or communities, or even candidates; equipment, e.g. electoral campaign equipment, vehicles, offices, polling stations. Electoral violence includes: verbal and symbolic electoral violence, psychological electoral violence, and physical electoral violence, structural or institutional violence. The voters can be prevented from participating in the poll, forced to choose a candidate against their will. As a result, the elections are either disrupted or cancelled straightaway (Adesola and Abimbola, 2014).
In every stable democratic society, election remains the essential ingredient of transitory process from one civilian administration to another. Elections have become an integral part of representative democracy that by and large prevails across the world. According to Lindberg (2013), every modern vision of representative democracy entails the notion of elections as the primary means of selection of political decision makers. Thus, it is incomprehensible in contemporary times to think of democracy without linking it to the idea and practice of elections. Ojo (2017), described election as the ‘hallmark of democracy’ while Chiroro (2015) sees it as the ‘heart of the democratic order’. In all, elections constitute a core component of democracy. The electoral process in Africa in general and Nigeria in particular especially since the beginning of the 21st century is characterised by violence.
It is important to emphasize here that though violence has been a long-standing feature of the democratisation process in the post colonial Nigeria, its recent manifestations especially since the birth of the Fourth Republic has assumed an unprecedented magnitude thus constituting a major threat to the survival democracy. Fundamentally, there is no doubt the fact that electoral violence remains a major source of political instability in a democratic society with palpable threats of deconsolidation. Scholars among which were Agbaje and Adejumobi (2020) have argued that violence has become infused in political processes in most new democracies in Africa especially with respect to the 21st century. For instance, according to the 2008 Amnesty International Report, ‘the violent struggle for power, even in states which do not descend into armed conflict, still remains an important component of political life in Africa.
Nigeria, having survived decades of military dictatorship which was characterized by despotism, violation of fundamental human rights, financial profligacy among others, eventually returned to democratic rule on May 29, 1999 which culminated in the birth of the Fourth Republic. The republic which started amidst great hope and expectations is yet to significantly convince the generality of the Nigerian populace its democratic success especially with respect to the conduct of free, fair and credible elections devoid of election violence (pre and post). In fact, both at national and state levels, transition from one civilian administration to another since 2003 in particular has been very rough (Iwu, 2005). This is noticeable in the various cases of electoral violence which has claimed several lives, displacement of innocent people and wanton destruction of property. The conduct of election since the birth of the fourth republic up to 2011 has been retrogressive rather than progressive.
Unfortunately, the spate of bombings, kidnapping, massive fraud and harassment associated with the electoral process in Nigeria not only tarnish the image of our democracy, they also grossly affect voters‟ interest in politics. Voting, which is an important ingredient of democracy, is thus seen as the business of party supporters and political thugs who are paid peanuts to turn the whole process of election into a violence-packed political jamboree suitable for only fiendish individuals with violent minds. This unfortunate political trend in the country does not encourage popular participation in politics (Evans, 2021). Many Nigerians now see politics as a dirty game and so believe that active participation in political activities is tantamount to embarking on a journey of no return. The true meaning of politics has been wrongly interpreted by the attitudinal expressions of our politicians who venture into politics not with the mind to serve but to be served. They interpret politics to mean a platform for selfish aggrandizement of wealth and fame. Winning of elections in Nigeria does not depend on the people’s choice but on the number of political thugs, cultists, political god-fathers and mothers at the disposal of public office contestants. This ugly scenario has far-reaching implications for our nascent democracy and national security.
Refusing to take part in politics does not and will never solve the problem of electoral violence in the country. Instead, an apathetic citizenry will only fan the fire of systematic electoral violence lubricated by systemic corruption. This study thus investigates electoral violence and political apathy in Kolokuma/Opokuma L.G.A of Bayelsa State.
Statement of the Problem
This policy brief offers insights for policymakers regarding strategies to prevent and manage electoral violence. It is based on a study on the experiences of electoral violence in the recently concluded Nigerian election. The study perceive electoral violence as a sub-category of political violence, which deserves special consideration from the policy community as observed by other researchers (Hoglund 2019, Hoglund, et al., 2019, Fischer 2012).
Indeed, electoral violence has received increasing international attention in recent years due to the devastating effects of outbreaks of violence in Nigeria around elections. The notion of violence-free elections is encapsulated in the term ‘free and fair’ elections, serving as a benchmark for determining the legitimacy of elections. Efforts by local and international actors include electoral assistance, peacekeeping and monitoring missions, civic and voter education (Abbink and Hesseling, 2019, Sisk, 2019, Kumar, 2018). Yet, understanding of the consequences of specific strategies and how their returns can be maximised, remains limited. Analysis for policy needs to take into account the social divisions and potential conflict lines in society. If electoral violence is not addressed it can have longstanding consequences for social cohesion and the legitimacy of democracy.
The menace of electoral violence is usually higher in the northern part of the country. There are so many causative agents of electoral violence; it could be the influence of election rigging, godfatherism, and a lot more. The result of these activities above could lead to voter not turning out during election. The level of political apathy in the northern part of the country is usually higher than any other part of the country. The Christians in the northern part of Nigeria tend to stay indoors to avoid being use as specimen retaliation during electoral violence. Lastly some researchers have been based on electoral violence and political apathy but none of these studies was able to determine the nature of the relationship between electoral violence and political apathy in Nigeria. It is to this regard that this study is based on electoral violence and political apathy in Kolokuma/Opokuma Local Government Area of Bayelsa State.
Purpose of the Study
The main aim of the research work is to examine electoral violence and political apathy in Kolokuma/Opokuma Local Government Area of Bayelsa State. The specific objectives of the study are; to determine the:
i. relationship between electoral violence and political apathy in Kolokuma/Opokuma L.G.A of Bayelsa State;
ii. causes of electoral violence in Kolokuma/Opokuma L.G.A;
iii. extent to which electoral violence affects the voters participation during in Kolokuma/Opokuma Local Government 2019 election;
iv. level of turn out during election Kolokuma/Opokuma Local Government
Research Questions
The study came up with research questions so as to ascertain the above stated objectives of the study. The following research questions guided the objectives of the study:
i. What is the relationship between electoral violence and political apathy in Kolokuma/Opokuma L.G.A?
ii. What are the causes of electoral violence in Kolokuma/Opokuma L.G.A?
iii. To what extent has electoral violence affected the voters participation during Kolokuma/Opokuma Local Government 2019 election?
iv. What is the level of turn out during election in Kolokuma/Opokuma Local Government Area of Bayelsa State?
Research Hypotheses
The following hypotheses stated in the null and alternative form will be tested in this study;
1. There is no significant relationship between electoral violence and political apathy in Kolokuma/Opokuma Local Government Area of Bayelsa State.
2. There is significant relationship between electoral violence and political apathy in Kolokuma/Opokuma Local Government Area of Bayelsa State.
Significance of the Study
The study on electoral violence and political apathy in Kolokuma/Opokuma Local Government Area of Bayelsa State. The study will explore electoral violence and how it affects political apathy in Nigeria. The findings of the study will determine the causes of electoral violence and proffer a lasting solution. The study will also serve as a repository of information to other researchers that desire to carry out similar research on the above topic. Finally the study will contribute to the body of the existing literature on electoral violence and political apathy in Nigeria.
Scope and Limitation of the Study
The study will cover on electoral violence and political apathy in Kolokuma/Opokuma Local Government Area of Bayelsa State. However, the following constraints made the researcher to narrow down the study to only the study area;
Financial constraint: Insufficient fund tends to impede the efficiency of the researcher in sourcing for the relevant materials, literature or information and in the process of data collection (internet, questionnaire and interview).
Time constraint: The researcher will simultaneously engage in this study with other academic work. This consequently will cut down on the time devoted for the research work
Operational Definitions of Terms
Election: An election is a formal decision-making process by which a population chooses an individual to hold public office.
Electoral Violence: As used in this study electoral violence refers to any harm or threat to any person or property involved in the election process during the election period.
Political apathy: Political apathy is a feeling of disinterest in the sense of politics or apathy towards politics. It can consist of interest apathy, voter apathy, and information apathy. It can be categorized as the indifference of an individual and a lack of interest in participating in political activities.
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