ABSTRACT
Agricultural commercialization, urbanization, land grabbing and rapid population growth among others have placed undue pressures on demand for land in South-East Nigeria. These factors in turn have led to changes in land use patterns with outcomes such as the reduced land fallow periods, decreased access to water, land degradation, deforestation, and overgrazing. The concomitant effect of these changes in land use is increased conflicts, and nearly all conflicts affect food security. This study on the effect of land conflict on food crop production in rural communities in South-East, Nigeria, was carried out with 405 respondents drawn from three states in South-East Nigeria namely, Imo, Anambra, and Ebonyi states. Well-structured questionnaires were administered to the participants. Data were analyzed using both descriptive statistics (frequency, percentages, mean and mean score) and inferential statistics (analysis of variance). The results revealed that the most predominant type of tenure system is the leasehold tenure system (83.95%), while the least is certificate of occupancy (14.81%). Inter-family conflict (x̄=3.85) was found to be the most prevalent type of land conflict while conflict between settlers and indigenes (x̄=2.03) was the least prevalent. Encroachment (x̄=3.59) was found to be the most perceived factor causing land conflict within the study area whereas illegal/improper uses of common property was perceived as the least cause of land conflict (x̄=2.00). The use of the village elders/traditional rulers (96.04%) was the commonest form of conflict resolution mechanism within the study area whereas the least common was the resort to age grades/women groups (41.98%). However, the use of village elders/traditional rulers was perceived to be the most effective conflict resolution mechanism (x̄=3.79) among the respondents. The perceived effects of land conflict on food crop production include reduced output, reduced income, reduced output, and food insecurity. Chief among the economic effects of land conflicts as perceived by the respondents is loss of lives and properties. Education, age, gender and income were found to have significant effect on the respondents’ perception of the most effective conflict resolution mechanism at 5% level. There was a significant difference in perception of increased input, increased output, food security, food insecurity and reduced income as effects of land conflict on food crop production among the respondents at 5% level. A significant difference in respondent’s perception about the causes of land conflicts was found also from the 3 states after testing at 5%. The study concluded that land conflicts affects food crop production in rural communities in South-East, Nigeria. It is therefore recommended that new policies which would ensure access to land and land tenure security for rural farmers be put in place. There is also need for peace education and conflict resolution skill building among rural farmers. This will enable them develop the dispositions which will influence them to behave peacefully.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Title Page i
Declaration ii
Certification iii
Dedication iv
Acknowledgement v
Table of contents vi
List of Tables ix
List of Figures xi
Abstract xii
CHAPTER
1: INTRODUCTION
1.1 Background
Information 1
1.2 Statement Of The Problem 10
1.3 Research Questions 12
1.4 Research Objectives 12
1.5 Study Hypotheses 14
1.6 Significance
And Justification Of The Study 14
1.8 Scope
Of The Study 15
1.9 Definition Of Terms 15
CHAPTER
2: LITERATURE REVIEW
2.1 Conceptual Review 19
2.1.1 Land as natural resource 19
2.1.2 Concept of land tenure system 19
2.1.3 Land tenure systems in Ibo land 21
2.1.4 Acquisition of land rights in Ibo land 22
2.1.5 Land use reforms 25
2.1.6 Objectives of land reforms or agrarian reforms 26
2.1.7 The land use act of 1978 27
2.1.8 Land tenure system in other African countries 28
2.1.9 Defining food security 30
2.1.10 Measuring
food security 32
2.1.11 Land tenure and food security
33
2.1.12 Food insecurity and communal conflict 34
2.1.13 Gender and land tenure systems 35
2.1.14 Land grabbing 37
2.1.15 Conceptualizing land conflict 38
2.1.16 land disputes 40
2.1.17 Causes of land conflict 40
2.1.18 Types of land conflicts 43
2.1.19 Consequences of land conflict 44
2.1.20 Classification of land conflicts 45
2.1.21 Land conflict resolution mechanisms
45
2.1.22 Formal conflict settlement methods and their limitations 46
2.1.23 Informal or non-state justice systems 47
2.1.24 Customary conflict resolution mechanism 48
2.1.25 Characteristics of customary justice systems 48
2.1.26 Factors influencing people’s choice and uses of informal justice
system 52
2.1.27 Religious-based land conflict resolution
mechanism 54
2.1.28 Cultural
dimension of conflict resolution 55
2.1.29 Igbo indigenous conflict resolution mechanisms 56
2.1.30 Oracles and resolution of dispute 57
2.1.31Nexus between land
conflicts / tenure (in) security and land
governance 58
2.2 Review of
Empirical Studies 58
2.3 Theoretical Framework 67
2.3.1 Social conflict theory 67
2.3.2 Theory of eco-violence 68
2.4 Conceptual
Framework 70
CHAPTER
3: METHODOLOGY
3.1 Study Area 73
3.2 Study Population 74
3.3 Sample Size And Sampling Procedure 74
3.4 Data Collection 76
3.5 Validity Of Instrument 77
3.6 Reliability Of Instrument 77
3.7 Data Analysis 78
3.8 Testing Of Hypothesis 79
CHAPTER 4: RESULTS AND DISCUSSIONS
4.1 Socio-Economic Characteristics Of The Households 82
4.1.1 Age 82
4.1.2 Gender 83
4.1.3 Marital Status 83
4.1.4 Educational level 84
4.1.5 Household Size 84
4.1.6 Religion of Respondents 84
4.1.7 Income 85
4.1.8 Annual Input Cost 85
4.2 Type Of Tenure Systems In The Study Area 87
4.3 Prevalent Land Conflict In The Study Area 89
4.4 Perceived Factors Causing Land Conflicts 91
4.5 Various Forms Of Conflict Resolution Mechanisms Used In
The
Study Area And The Most Effective Conflict Resolution
Mechanisms
As Perceived By The Respondents Within
The
Study Area 94
4.6 Perceived Effects Of Land Conflict On Food Crop Production
In The
Study Area Perceived Economic Effects Of Land Conflicts
In The
Study Area 95
4.9 Hypothesis Testing
99
4.9.1 Hypothesis 1 99
4.9.2 Hypothesis 2:
100
4.9.3 Hypothesis 3:
103
4.9.4 Hypothesis 4:
106
CHAPTER 5: CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS
5.1 Conclusion
109
5.2 Recommendations
110
REFERENCES
111
APPENDIX
122
LIST OF TABLES
4.1: Distribution
of respondents (household heads) according
to
their socio-economic characteristics 86
4.2: Distribution
of the various tenure systems within the study area 88
4.3: Mean
distribution of respondents based on prevalent conflicts in
the
study area 90
4.4: Mean
distribution of respondents based on perceived factors
causing
conflicts in the study area 93
4.5: Distribution
of respondents based on the various forms of
conflict
resolution mechanisms in the study area 95
4.6: Distribution of respondents
based on perceived effectiveness of
the
various forms of conflict resolution mechanisms used in the
study
area 95
4.7: Distribution
of respondents based on perceived effects of
land
conflicts on food crop production in the study area 97
4.8: Distribution
of respondents based on perceived economic
effects
of land conflicts in the study area 98
4.9: Multivariate analysis of
variance to test the respondents’
perception of the
most effective forms of conflict resolution
mechanisms used in
the study area 100
4.10: Analysis
of variance result of the test of difference on
the perceived effect of
land conflict on food crop
production
by farmers in the three selected states 101
4.11: Test
of difference on the perceived effects of land conflict
on
food crop production---Summary of Duncan Multiple
Range Tests 103
4.12: Analysis
of variance result of the test of difference in
respondents’ perception
of most effective conflict
resolution mechanism in the three selected
states 104
4.13: Test
of Difference on the Most Effective Conflict
Resolution
Mechanisms
in the three Selected States---Summary
of
Duncan Multiple Range Tests 105
4.14: Analysis
of variance result of the test of difference in the
farmers’
perception of causes of land conflict in the study area 107
4.15: Test of Difference in the
Farmers’ Perception of Causes of Land
Conflict in the study
area---Summary of Duncan Multiple Range
Tests 108
LIST OF FIGURES
2.1: Land tenure and food security
linkage 33
2.2: Framework
for assessing the effect of land conflict and
conflict resolution
mechanism on food production 70
3.1: Map of South-East Nigeria 74
CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
1.1
BACKGROUND
OF THE STUDY
Land is a crucial developmental discourse because it has long been known
as a major factor in wealth, agricultural production and economic growth. Land
is a valuable, limited resource of immense economic, political, cultural, and
symbolic significance (United State Agency for International Development,
2013). It is, without a doubt, the single most significant factor in Nigeria's
economic growth. It is the most precious asset, particularly in rural areas
where agriculture is the primary source of income. As a key factor of
production, land provides opportunities for wealth creation and thus serves as
a catalyst for escaping poverty. It is extremely important in food production
and income generation. (Commission for Africa, 2005 in Toulmin, 2008; Nwachukwu,
2019).
The centrality of land to rural development and food production in
Nigeria is incontestable. In the past, rural communities across Nigeria were
blessed with land in abundance. This situation, however, is changing
particularly in South- East Nigeria due to population growth, migration, land
grabbing, climate change and host of other factors. Rural dwellers across the
nation are increasingly competing for access to arable land. Conflict over land
is thereby becoming a routine across the nation. Other interconnected factors like
weak land governance institutions, poor management of land conflict, land
commodification, unreliable land information, and rising demand for rural land
for bio-fuel tend to worsen the matter (Urmilla, 2010). Land conflicts, affect
rural communities severely, since they mostly rely on farm produce for survival
(Anyoha, Chikaire, Ogueri, Utazi and Godson Ibeji, 2018). Whenever land
conflict occurs, it comes with socio-economic effects, and in the worst-case
situations, people are harmed and properties are destroyed (Wehrmann, 2008).
Nigeria's combined land and water area is 923,768 square kilometres,
with land covering 910,768 square kilometres and water covering 13,000 square kilometres
(Central Intelligence Agency Fact Book, 2005). It is bordered on the south by
the Atlantic Ocean and on the north by the Sahelian countries of Niger and
Chad. Agriculture is Nigeria's economic pillar, contributing over 45 percent of
GDP and recruiting more than half of the population. The country's agricultural
land area is projected to be 84 million hectares, with just 33 million hectares
under cultivation currently. Nigeria is divided into six unique agro-ecological
zones. These are the Mangrove Swamp, Guinea Savanna, Derived Savanna, Sudan
Savanna, Sahel Savanna and Rainforest zones. Rainfall is bimodal in the
Mangrove and Rainforest areas, as well as parts of the Derived savanna zone,
and unimodal in the Guinea, Sudan, and Sahel savanna zones. The Sahel savanna
region receives as little as 500 mm of annual rainfall, while the Mangrove
Swamp zone receives about 3000 mm (National Programme for Agriculture and Food
Security-NPAFS, 2010).
Land tenure refers to a set of rules created by societies to govern land
access, usage, control, and transfer, as well as the obligations and
restrictions that come with it. Individuals, families, societies, and
organisations may be given rights under these laws, which may be defined by the
state or by customs (Garvelink, 2012). According to Neef & Kirchmann
(1999), land tenure, is a social concept that establishes rights and
responsibilities between individuals and groups of individuals. It is the terms
and conditions or arrangement under which a parcel of land is held. Land tenure
refers to structures and arrangements that regulate access to land and control
of land resources by individuals and groups within a given society. It also
covers who can possess and use these tools, as well as how long they can do so
for and under what conditions. Land tenure therefore aids in defining people's
relationships to the land and the scope of their rights.
While there is a widespread assumption that the agricultural production
and other productive activities are affected by numerous factors ranging from
climatic conditions, government policies to physical conditions, land tenure
security have been identified to be critical to agricultural production, food
security and economic growth and development (Cousins and Hornby, 2006). Land
tenure security is crucial for smallholders’ survival because they rely on
access to land for their food security and sustainability. Food security
according to Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) (2006) refers to the
ability of households, cities, and the state to produce, buy, and distribute
adequate food on a long-term. Thus, food security is hinged on the availability
of land resources as well as the capacity of households to muster resources for
the long-term production and distribution of food.
Whenever, members of a society have continuous physical and economic
access to abundant, secure, and wholesome food that satisfies their daily
nutritional requirements for a healthy existence, they are said to be food
secured (FAO, 2006). The FAO classified food security into four distinct
categories namely: food availability, access, stability, and utilization (Food
and Agriculture Organization, 2017). Each of these categories describes a
distinct feature of food security. The following is a typical explanation of
the categories:
v Availability: The focus here is on the availability of vital calories at the personal
level, as well as the types of calories that are accessible nationally (e.g.
cereals versus animal protein).
v Access: Indicators for evaluating physical infrastructure for delivering food
to market, as well as individual-level indicators for determining whether
people have access to their daily calories requirements, are included in this
group.
v Stability: Dependence on food imports, domestic market volatility, and variance in
irrigation-equipped land are all measured in this category. Food must be
available to a community, household, or person at all times, and access should
not be jeopardized by unexpected shocks or cyclical events.
v Utilization: To achieve nutritional well-being, all physiological requirements must
be fulfilled by adequate diet, clean water, sanitation, and health care.
Food insecurity can result
from even minor changes in each of these dimensions. Conflict has been a major
contributor to one or more of the aspects of food insecurity in many cases
(FAO, 2017).
Tenure security according to Cotula, Toulmin and Quan (2006) refers to
as the degree of conviction in not being unfairly dispossessed of land rights
or the economic benefits that come with them. Without tenure security, resource
poor farmers are considerably weakened in their ability to obtain enough food
for meaningful livelihoods. Smallholders need secure tenure in order to make
considerable improvement and invest in the land. The literature is replete with
evidence that farm production tend to rise as land users perceive improvements
to their property rights. Regardless of whether accommodated through a
statutory tenure arrangement or a customary arrangement, farmers should be
confident about their rights to access, utilize and benefit from their land.
Whenever rural farmers feel that their privileges are secured, they tend to
make important investments, such as increasing their crop portfolio, investing
in farm technology and improved inputs. Secured tenure gives farmers the
confidence to operate their farms with a lasting, business-mindset. But if
farmers perceive that their land rights are not protected, they tend to limit
investment and create make-shift plans.
Land tenure in most regions in sub-Saharan Africa, is classified as
either regulated by customary or state/statutory rules. Customary land tenure is governed by
unwritten rules. It is largely elastic, negotiable, location-specific and based
on local customs and norms. These systems are very dynamic and ever changing as
a result of a variety of factors such as cultural exchanges, socioeconomic
changes, and political developments (Ranger, 1983; Chanock, 1985). In Nigeria,
customary land tenure systems are associated with descent and inheritance and
are based on the norm of collective ownership (Fabusoro, Matsumobo and Teab, 2008).
Statutory or state-regulated land tenure regimes, in contrast, are typically
anchored on written laws and procedures, acts of government and judicial
rulings. Citizenship, nation-building, and constitutional freedom are the main
underlying doctrine that underpin statutory or state-regulated land tenure
regimes. Under this regime, titles or other means of ownership registration are
used to validate and certify land rights.
Land tenure reform has been at the center of the development debate in
sub-Saharan Africa. Until recently,
major international development agencies like the World Bank and the
International Monetary Fund (IMF) had vigorously advocated formalization of
tenure in developing countries. But in recent times, the World Bank recognized
while formalization of tenure could be the best direction to go, a full blown
formalization of tenure would increase conflict, insecurity and poverty in
developed countries (Benjaminsen and Svarstad, 2010). Thus, the current
direction in tenurial discourse is shifting from the concept of formalization
and toward tenure security. Tenure security increases motivation for
sustainable land use, thereby improving the welfare of the disadvantaged groups
and mitigating the likelihood of violence.
Delininger (2003) notes
that land tenure
security will increase household incentives and also give them greater
access to credit, which will not only allow them to invest but act as a reserve
in the event of shock or disaster (Delininger and Binswanger, 1999; DFID, 2004;
World Bank, 2003). Issues of access to land and control
in any given society are of great sociological importance because it is a
pointer to power relationships within the group. Among the Ibos of South-East Nigeria,
land represents many things. According to Uchendu (1965), land symbolizes the
realm of the earth-goddess, a last resting place for the dead, a place
residence and livelihood asset. He further stated that land is the most
important asset to the people. It is the basis of security which is passionately
defended from being taken away. Ownership of land among Ibos is seen as a means
of controlling key means of production and attaining higher social status, wealth,
and power (Uchendu, 1965). The centrality of land in Ibo cosmology and
political economy is evident in the importance of land resources to cultural
rituals. Igbo customs such as marriage, naming ceremony, thanksgiving and
prayer are replete with rituals which are tied to the land.
Meek (1937) captured the uniqueness
of land in the Ibo jurisprudence in a very captivating way:
"Ala”
is the fountain of human morality, and in consequence, a principal legal
sanction. Homicide, kidnapping, poisoning, stealing, adultery [...] and all
offences against Ala must be purged by rites to her. “Ala” deprives evil men of
their lives, and her priests are the guardian of public morality. Laws are made
in her name, and by her, Oaths are sworn. “Ala” is in fact, the unseen head of
the Community" (Meek, 1937)”.
Again, he noted that the land-related
taboos did not apply only to humans, but also to animals and other creatures on
the planet. For instance, he noted thus:
"If
a goat climbs on to the roof of a house, it is viewed as having committed an
offense against “Ala” and was in the olden days [killed]. A cock that crows, or
a hen that lays at night in an open space is killed It is ordained that a hen
which hatches out a single chicken shall be deprived of its life. Similarly, a
cow which bears two calves must be taken out of the Community" (Meek, 1937).
Taylor, (1988) posits that individuals do not own land
in traditional societies. It was either owned by a group of people, such as an
extended family, a village, or community. Historically,
land holding arrangement in Africa has changed over time. The earliest form of
land tenure change in Africa dates back to colonization period. Owing to the
widespread misconception that Africans were ignorant of land principles, the
colonial governments appropriated communally owned property on the basis of
freehold tenure and introduced a new system of land ownership which is mainly
privatization of sole rights of access and management of land and natural
resources.
This was intended to give the
colonial government exclusive right over land and natural resources, with
privatized land controlled by statute law based on the colonial masters'
European laws and communal lands regulated by customary law. Upon independence,
most African governments inherited a dual, unequal, and bureaucratic system of
land tenure when they gained independence (Stewart, 2010).This was meant to
allow the colonial government complete power of land and natural resources,
with privatized land governed by statute law based on the colonial masters'
European laws and communal lands governed by customary law. Upon independence,
most African governments inherited a twin, uneven, and bureaucratic regime of
land tenancy (Stewart, 2010).
In Nigeria, for instance, since independence,
successive governments have implemented land reform policies, but these
policies, have often neglected established customary and local structures, as
well as the distributive concerns that underpin land tenure security (Cotula,
Vermeueen, Leonard, and Keele, 2004).Following independence in 1962, the
Northern Nigerian government adopted a land tenure law that gave all lands to
the governors to maintain and manage for the region's use and benefit. Despite
this rule, the government and individuals have had increasing difficulty
securing land for development purposes (primarily in metropolitan areas). This
situation aggravated active land speculation and communal clashes and prompting
the General Olusegun Obasanjo-led Military Junta to set up the Land Reform
Commission and the Constitution Drafting Committee in 1977. The Commission
proposed that all underdeveloped territories be nationalized.
The then Government adopted their recommendations and
promulgated a decree which has come to be known as the Land Use Act of 1978.
This Decree was made an integral part of the 1979 Constitution, and then assimilated
into the 1999 Constitution, to ensure that it cannot be quickly repealed by
succeeding regimes. While the Land Use Decree made it easier for governments to
procure land for planning purposes and reduced the cost of land compensation
and related court battles for land, it has also developed a new set of problems
in the field of land management in Nigeria since its inception.
Since it allowed land previously belonging to rural
peoples to be forcibly taken away by a few well-connected people, the Land Use
Act is seen as being inconsistent with the values of freedom and justice.
Furthermore, those who possess an occupancy certificate do not have stable
tenure under the constitution, since the Governor has the authority to revoke
such certificates. In
rural areas, the Land Use Act did not achieve its egalitarian objectives.
However, land in rural areas increasingly, has become a source of contention in
Nigeria and Sub-Saharan Africa at large (Cotula et al., 2004; Oyewamide, 2004). Land conflict is often caused by
conflicting claims over inheritance, boundaries and rights between farmers,
families and communities, and is becoming a common place across Nigeria rural
communities.
In rural
areas across Africa, land tenure is a significant cause of social conflict. (Cotula
et al., 2004).Family and community
dispute is often traced back to opposing claims over boundaries, inheritance
and rights of access over land. Although there are in-built mechanisms for
resolving land disputes in all societies, in Sub-Saharan Africa, the frequency
and intensity of land conflict has increased in recent times. The reasons for
increased incidence are not far-fetched. The causes are all related to
increased land scarcity brought about by population demands, urbanization, land
grabbing, agricultural intensification, and commercialization.
Nevertheless,
an increasing body of evidence suggests both overt and indirect connections
between conflict and food production. FAO (2002b)
pointed out that wars and civil strife were the major causative factor for
exceptional food emergencies experienced in 15 countries. Conflicts have adverse
effects on food security in developed countries because they damage the
agriculture sector and the economy as a whole.
Land conflict often have the
potential to affect food security by causing food scarcities, which upset both
agricultural input and productivity, reducing food supply, stock management,
and marketing. Crops cannot be cultivated, weeded, or harvested depending on
when the dispute occurs. This would have a major impact on agricultural
productivity. During a war, large-scale devastation of crops, food supplies,
livestock, and other properties can occur in food-producing areas, affecting
food supply not only in these areas but also in neighboring areas. Food supply
and connectivity are both reduced in a conflict situation when both are
constrained.
Furthermore, land conflicts have the
tendency to influence food security by inducing scarcity of food, which can
upset both agricultural input and productivity, hence discouraging reducing
food supply, stock management, marketing and reinvestment. Crops cannot be
cultivated, weeded, or harvested depending on when and where the dispute
occurs. This would have a major impact on agricultural productivity. During
conflict, large-scale devastation of crops, food supplies, livestock, and other
properties can occur in food-producing areas, affecting food production and
supply not only in these areas but also in neighboring areas (Pierre and Fred,
2006).
Consequently, the farming populations
tend to migrate, or completely abandon farming for other livelihood asset.
Agriculture activities thus will be limited to subsistence, small-scale agriculture
by those who survive, because apart from lack of motivation to invest intensely
in production, the fear of being killed or molested in farmlands (in the case
of women) by their adversaries is high. Despite
the apparent nexus between land conflict, food security and rural development, vast
majority of agricultural policies and project initiatives overlook the problems
presented by pervasive land conflict and tenancy contradictions.
1.2 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM
Despite Nigeria’s great potential with regards to
increase in agricultural productivity, food security and rapid rural
development, land and resource-based conflicts is increasingly becoming an
obstacle to reaching these potentials. Agricultural commercialization, drought,
climate change, rapid population growth, migration, land grabbing, and the
pressure of achieving rural development have placed undue pressures on demand
for land in Nigeria especially in South–East Nigeria. These factors have
resulted in changes in land use patterns, such as increased crop production,
shorter land fallow periods, reduced water availability, land erosion,
deforestation, and overgrazing. Increased conflicts are side effects of these
shifts in land use.
Land conflict destroys agricultural land; impede free
movement and trade; upset markets; and forces people to flee their homes and
means of production. In some cases, food insecurity and famines are vigorously
used as weapons of war (Devereux et al.,
2017). In most sub-Saharan African countries food security and rural
development is increasingly being threatened by land disputes (Yamano and Delininger,
2005). According to Delininger and Castagnini (2006), land disputes have raised
questions about the risk of food shortages and high poverty rate in affected
areas of Sub-Saharan Africa. Land conflict always portends negative costs not
just for the individuals but for the society at large.
In extreme situations, it often leads to violent
conflict, inter and intra-community bickering, abandonment of hectares of
cultivatable farm lands, soil degradation, loss of lives and massive
displacement of population. For the rural farmer, it frequently results to loss
of production base, food insecurity, forced migration, loss of livelihood
assets and extreme poverty. Furthermore, according to Voors et al., (2012) land conflict increase
tenancy insecurity, have an effect on crop portfolio selection, and reduce land
investments and transactions. In addition, when land dispute becomes protracted
and is not properly managed, social stability, investment on agricultural
input, diffusion of agricultural innovations, productivity, as well as rural
development is undermined. The impact of conflict is far reaching. It includes
the breakdown of social order, collapse of local markets, decay of physical
infrastructure, alteration in the structure of local economy, poverty, disease
and ultimately massive deaths.
The
Ezza-Ezillo crisis in Ebonyi State is a good example. According to CLEEN
Foundation, the conflict was caused by a disagreement in 2008 over ownership of
a piece of land on which a telecommunication mast was erected. By the end of
December, 2011, the disagreement had escalated, resulting to the killing of
over 70 men, women and children. Other instances include Aguleri versus Umuleri
(1920-1999); Onitsha and Obosi (2013); Ikenga Village verses Nkpor-Ogidi in
Idemili LGA of Anambra State (2012-2016); Ogbaku Community in Mbaitoli LGA of Imo State
(since 1926), Ohekelem in Ngor-Okpala LGA versus Umuekeugo in Aboh Mbaise LGA
of Imo State (since 1916) (CLEEN
Foundation, 2011; Institute for Peace and Conflict Resolution, 2017). Again,
there is the boundary conflict between Adadama community in Abi Local
Government Area of Cross River State and Amagu Community in Ikwo Local
Government Area of Ebonyi State that dates back to 1920s.
Land conflict is becoming more of a
problem in South-East Nigeria, where land access has historically been
described as largely egalitarian (Anyim and Odoemelam, 2017). Many families
across South-East Nigeria have seen their homes and farmlands destroyed as a
result of land conflict or poor management of such disputes. A number of studies
have evaluated land reform, land ownership, investment,
productivity, climate change and food security in Nigeria (Akinnagbe & Umukoro,
2011; Enete & Amusa, 2011; Mailumo, Adepoju and Tankari, (2011); Osabuomen & Okoedo-Okojie,
2011; Ahaneku, 2010; Ezeaku & Davidson, 2008; Senjobi, 2007; Osemeobo,
1991). The researchers posit that, there is insufficient focus in both
literature and policy on the impacts of land conflict on food crop production
in rural communities in South-East Nigeria. Land plays an essential role in the
lives and livelihoods of majority of rural dwellers in South-East Nigeria and
peace is needed for food production and any meaningful development in rural
areas. Thus it is imperative to assess the effect of land conflicts on food production
in rural communities in South-East Nigeria.
1.3
RESEARCH QUESTIONS
In
line with the research problem stated above, the research questions of this
study are:
1.
What are the
socio-economic characteristics of respondents?
2.
What is the prevalent land
tenure system in the areas?
3.
What are the types of land
tenure conflicts that exist in the area?
4.
What are the perceived
factors causing land conflicts in the area?
5.
What are the conflict
resolution mechanisms in use?
6.
What are the perceived
most effective conflict resolution mechanisms?
7.
What are the perceived
effects of land conflict on food crop production?
8.
What are the economic
effects of land conflict in the study area?
1.4 OBJECTIVES OF STUDY
The
broad objective of this study is to assess the effect of land conflicts on food
production in rural communities in South-East Nigeria.
Specific Objectives
The
specific objectives for this study will be to:
I.
describe
the socio-economic characteristics of respondents;
II.
identify
land tenure systems;
III.
identify
the prevalent land conflict that exists;
IV.
ascertain
the perceived factors causing land conflicts;
V.
identify the conflict resolution mechanisms and the perceived most effective conflict resolution mechanisms
VI.
ascertain
the perceived effects of land conflict on food crop production and economic
effects of land conflict in the study area.
1.5 HYPOTHESES OF STUDY
To
achieve some of the objectives of this research, the following null hypotheses
will be tested.
HO1: Socio-economic characteristics of respondents have no significant effect on their
perception of the most effective conflict resolution mechanisms.
HO2: There is no significant difference
on the perceived effect of land conflict on food crop production by respondents
in the three selected States.
HO3: There is no significant difference
in the choice of conflict resolution mechanisms by respondents in the three
selected States.
HO4: Respondents in the three selected States
do not differ in their perception of causes of land conflict in the study area.
1.6 SIGNIFICANCE
OF THE STUDY
The
study will help in deepening
understanding on types of land conflict that exists and resolution mechanisms
in South-East Nigeria.
Furthermore, it will help
in highlighting the factors causing land conflicts and the effects of land conflict
on food crop production in rural communities. The results from this study will also provide robust
input in the academic discourse on land conflict and its effects on food
production in rural communities. The finding from this research will also
provide policy makers, farmers, researchers and rural dwellers with sufficient
information on how to articulate sound and appropriate instruments for lasting
solutions to recurrent land conflicts and food insecurity in rural communities
in the study area. Furthermore, the results would be relevant to other parts of
Nigeria where related issues exist. Furthermore, the findings will serve as a
contribution to the current body of literature as well as a source of further
knowledge.
1.8 SCOPE OF THE STUDY
The focus of the study is on the
effect of land conflict on food crop production in rural communities in South-East
Nigeria. This study covered selected communities in three States in South-East,
Nigeria, namely, Imo, Anambra and Ebonyi States. The study was primarily focused
on effect of land conflict on food crop production in rural communities in the study area.Yam
and Cassava were specifically selected as the focal food crops because they are
the staple foods in the study area. The
respondents in this study were all heads of households in selected rural
communities. This research did not cover other areas of land tenure research
due to time constraint and paucity of fund.
1.9 DEFINITION OF TERMS
For the purpose of this study,
certain key terms used are operationally defined as follows:
a. Alienation right
applies to the right to transfer property to another by inheritance, rent, or
outright selling.
b. Access rights
include the ease of obtaining land for livelihood-related ventures and shelter
by people, families, and neighborhoods. It may also refer to the right to be on
a certain piece of property.
c. Control rights
refer to the ability to make choices on how the land can be used. That is the
freedom to choose the kind of crops to grow on the land and how to benefit
financially from the crops sale.
- Conflict
is a struggle over values or claims to status, power and scarce resources
in which the aims of the conflicting parties are not only to gain the
desired values but also to neutralize, injure or eliminate rivals (Coser,
1968).
- Conflict Resolution is
the informal or structured mechanism used by two or more parties to reach
a peaceful resolution of a disagreement.
- Exclusion Right is
the right to stop other people from accessing a certain piece of land.
- Food Security
refers to the availability of food as well as one's ability to obtain it.
A household is considered food secured if none of its members are hungry
or in danger of going hungry.
- Land in
its broadest sense, land encompasses "the earth's crust, the
materials under it, and all objects fixed to it."
i.
Land
grabbing can be said to have occurred when external
actors rob local populations and people of rights to their property, putting
their livelihoods at risk.
j. Land reforms
are policies or legislation aimed at mitigating historical inequalities of land
ownership, access and use.
k.
User
rights include the rights to use the land for
growing subsistence crops, grazing, and gathering minor forestry products,
among others. The most of the time, land use rights are available to the
community's poor.
l.
Land
tenure defines who can hold and use land and its
associated resources, for what length of time, and under what conditions. It
encompasses the set of rules created by societies to govern land access, usage,
control, and transfer, as well as the obligations and restrictions that come
with it.
m.
Land
tenure security refers to as the degree of
conviction in not being unfairly dispossessed of land rights or the economic
benefits that come with them.
n.
Management
right is referred to as the right to alter the
land in several ways, such as clearing the bushes, farming and making
improvements on the land.
o.
Small holder farmers are those who own small plots of
land and grow subsistence crops as well as one or two cash crops, relying
almost entirely on family labor.
p.
Transfer
rights on its own refer to the right to sell or loan
out the land, to change the use and control rights, to pass on the land to
others and to hand on the land through inheritance to heirs.
q. Usufructuary rights are rights given to a person or
party that give the temporary right to use and benefit from someone else's
property. Usufruct is usually conferred for a limited time period.
r.
Withdrawal
right is the right to obtain something from the
land, such as water, firewood, or even farm produce. The access and withdrawal
rights are referred to as use rights, while management, exclusion, and
alienation rights are grouped under control or decision making rights.
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